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Hintergrundartikel im Verwaltungswiki Österreich
2019  accessibility 
7 hours ago by schiersner
EU-Webseitenrichtlinie – die „Vereinfachte Überwachung“ im Kontext der Überwachungsmethodik - Team Usability (de)
Die EU-Richtlinie 2102 über den barrierefreien Zugang zu den Websites und mobilen Anwendungen öffentlicher Stellen wird durch eine Überwachungsmethodik begleitet, die im Oktober 2018 als Durchführungsbeschluss (EU) 2018/1524 veröffentlicht wurde. Was in diesem Kontext die „Vereinfachte Überwachung“ bedeuten könnte, …
2019  accessibility  howto 
7 hours ago by schiersner
The Next Streaming Trend? Recommendations From Actual People
Platforms are turning to human curation because of what they see as the limits of reactive recommendation algorithms: They can predict what you might like based on what you’ve watched in the past, but they can’t forecast how your tastes might change or how you’re feeling physically and mentally. “An algorithm doesn’t know that when I sit down to watch TV, I may be in the mood for something happy, something sad, something like a romantic comedy or a drama,” says Brynn Lev, vice-president of editorial and programming for Comcast Cable, which, under the brand name Xfinity, serves more than 20 million TV customers across 39 states and the District of Columbia. Lev argues that computers are also pretty helpless when it comes to spotting hot programming trends or figuring out what newer subscribers might want to watch, since algorithms use past programming choices to guess what you might want to see next.
television  streamingmedia  recommendation  curation  algorithms  review  critique  Vulture  2019  via:inspiral 
23 hours ago by Librarysue
Experiment-Driven Product Development | SpringerLink
Looked at the intro. I'd like to read this, though not sure I need to own it.
creativity  tech  books  2019 
yesterday by UnchartedWorlds
Let Them Eat Tech | Dissent Magazine
““Tech-for-all” campaigns build on a deep-seated tradition of modern liberals framing the problem of rural poverty in terms of the geographic and technological remoteness of rural areas. The famed Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) hydroelectric infrastructure project was one of the more notable accomplishments of New Deal liberalism, in no small part by virtue of its success in more fully integrating struggling rural communities into the national economy. Franklin Roosevelt and his brain trust believed that one of the main problems of “underdeveloped regions” in Appalachia and the broader South was their physical isolation from urban centers of capitalist production. Many New Deal architects, beginning with TVA chairman David Lilienthal, saw the project as a way of spurring economic growth by luring industry to rural places. During the early Cold War, growth-oriented liberals also funneled billions of dollars of research-and-development funds into previously overlooked areas, transforming cities like Atlanta and Charlotte and building the modern Sunbelt in the process.

Nevertheless, by the 1960s, rural areas across the South began experiencing new waves of economic uncertainty. Decades of agricultural modernization resulted in fewer rural workers being supported in farming occupations, which led to an increase in outmigration to cities, where there were more job opportunities. State leaders from both political parties responded by implementing a model of economic development that came to be known as “smokestack chasing”: using public subsidies and the promises of a low-wage and non-unionized workforce to recruit manufacturers to rural communities. This approach produced a surge in one-company towns and cities throughout the rural South—places like Arkadelphia, Arkansas, and Rocky Mount, North Carolina—which generated jobs and provided momentary economic stability. But by the late 1970s, those companies were finding even cheaper labor outside the United States, and rural towns began to undergo debilitating rounds of deindustrialization and capital flight.

A new generation of Democratic Party politicians burst onto the national scene at the height of this crisis. These “New Democrats” or “Atari Democrats” went to great lengths to distance themselves from the party’s traditional associations with the industrial manufacturing sector and its powerful labor unions, shifting their focus to relentless high-tech growth instead. Many of them hailed from Southern or Midwestern states with large rural populations that were experiencing the devastating effects of rural disinvestment, including James Blanchard (Michigan), Al Gore (Tennessee), James Hunt (North Carolina), Charles Robb (Virginia)—and, of course, Arkansas’s Bill Clinton. Their vision for how respond to the coordinated crises of deindustrialization and the decline of the agricultural sector offered a clear departure from the recent past; as Clinton boldly announced to Forbes in 1979, his first year as governor, “smokestack chasing doesn’t work.” Instead, Clinton and the other Atari Democrats looked to the success of Silicon Valley and Route 128 outside of Boston, which had recently become bastions of tech-focused industrial activity.

The New Democrats who served as governors pursued strategies that fostered collaboration between government and business, touting public-private partnerships with the high-tech sector (which had already developed a reputation for being anti-union) as the best way to help struggling communities in their states generate economic activity. The Southern New Democratic governors were members of the Southern Growth Policies Board, a state-funded research agency and policy shop focused on creating new development plans for the region. In the early 1980s, the board began laying out plans to incubate tech startups throughout the region—both in already-established local markets, like North Carolina’s Research Triangle, and in previously untapped rural areas. Clinton oversaw the creation of the Board’s Southern Technology Council, which promoted the more efficient transfer of knowledge and research between academia and industry. Tennessee Senator Al Gore, meanwhile, spearheaded the passage of a series of laws that turned the research networks controlled by the National Science Foundation over to the commercial sphere, so that both public and private sources could fund and benefit from its growth.

Clinton and Gore’s shared Southern roots, and their shared commitment to a new technology agenda, became key pillars of their successful bid for the White House in 1992. In stump speeches throughout the country, they discussed the power of technology to connect people and transcend not just partisan but also rural and urban divisions. They pledged to create a “door-to-door information network to link every home, business, lab, classroom, and library by the year 2015.” In a ceremony held in Silicon Valley during the first days of their administration, Clinton and Gore unveiled a new initiative called “Technology for America’s Economic Growth,” which affirmed that “accelerating the introduction of an efficient, high-speed communications system can have the same effect on U.S. economic and social development as public investment in the railroads in the 19th century.” They requested expanded public funding for research and development work and called on the federal agencies and Congress to eliminate regulations that hindered the private sector from investing in such a network.

These efforts culminated in the Telecommunications Act of 1996, the most sweeping overhaul to U.S. communications policy since 1934. The act deregulated all segments of the industry, premised on the idea that a more competitive marketplace would help to make phone, cable, and internet service cheaper and more readily available. Taken together, these policies put into action the Democratic neoliberal faith that fueling the growth of the tech sector offered not only the clearest route to ongoing economic prosperity but also the surest means of providing a key social service.”
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yesterday by robertogreco
Themes by Anders Norén
WordPress themes for bloggers, photographers, designers and businesses. All of them are fully featured, open source and completely free.
free  wordpress  theme  opensource  2019  design 
2 days ago by blumenberg
The Next Streaming Trend? Recommendations From Actual People
Platforms are turning to human curation because of what they see as the limits of reactive recommendation algorithms: They can predict what you might like based on what you’ve watched in the past, but they can’t forecast how your tastes might change or how you’re feeling physically and mentally. “An algorithm doesn’t know that when I sit down to watch TV, I may be in the mood for something happy, something sad, something like a romantic comedy or a drama,” says Brynn Lev, vice-president of editorial and programming for Comcast Cable, which, under the brand name Xfinity, serves more than 20 million TV customers across 39 states and the District of Columbia. Lev argues that computers are also pretty helpless when it comes to spotting hot programming trends or figuring out what newer subscribers might want to watch, since algorithms use past programming choices to guess what you might want to see next.
television  streamingmedia  recommendation  curation  algorithms  review  critique  Vulture  2019 
2 days ago by inspiral
A decade in discourse: what we learned about UK racism | gal-dem - gal-dem
The next decade is beyond prediction; we’re unaware of how fast or differently technology will actually change, and what it will enable us to do. Undoubtedly, corporations will continue to take people of colour’s work to monetise, but will we continue to start revolutions that challenge the structures that oppress us? Change has already happened, suggesting if we continue to garner communities, with hashtags like #BlackLivesMatter and publications springing up online, we can change the currency of us and place our value back into our own pockets.
racism  media  webjournalism  culturalappropriation  woke  BlackLivesMatter  GalDem  2019 
2 days ago by inspiral

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