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State (polity) - Wikipedia
In the West, the ancient Greeks initially regarded the best form of government as rule by the best men.[10] Plato advocated a benevolent monarchy ruled by an idealized philosopher king, who was above the law.[10] Plato nevertheless hoped that the best men would be good at respecting established laws, explaining that "Where the law is subject to some other authority and has none of its own, the collapse of the state, in my view, is not far off; but if law is the master of the government and the government is its slave, then the situation is full of promise and men enjoy all the blessings that the gods shower on a state."[11] _More than Plato attempted to do, Aristotle flatly opposed letting the highest officials wield power beyond guarding and serving the laws._[10] In other words, Aristotle advocated the rule of law:

It is more proper that law should govern than any one of the citizens: upon the same principle, if it is advantageous to place the supreme power in some particular persons, they should be appointed to be only guardians, and the servants of the laws.[5]

The Roman statesman Cicero is often cited as saying, roughly: "We are all servants of the laws in order to be free."[12] During the Roman Republic, controversial magistrates might be put on trial when their terms of office expired. Under the Roman Empire, the sovereign was personally immune (legibus solutus), but those with grievances could sue the treasury.[7]

In China, members of the school of legalism during the 3rd century BC argued for using law as a tool of governance, but they promoted "rule by law" as opposed to "rule of law", meaning that they placed the aristocrats and emperor above the law.[13] In contrast, the Huang-Lao school of Daoism rejected legal positivism in favor of a natural law that even the ruler would be subject to.[14]
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57 minutes ago by nhaliday
After the storm: what should Corbynism 2.0 look like?
There are three new things Labour can offer the electorate going into the autumn. One is to promise a second referendum. Tactically, it would reconnect Labour with some centrist Remain voters; strategically it offers a route to reuniting a divided country, as the illusion of a hard break with Europe shatters.

The second is a radical devolution offer to Scotland, amounting to the creation of a federal UK, whose aim should be to attract thousands of left-wing independence supporters back to Labour.

The third is a more collective and revitalised shadow cabinet, armed with a short but inspiring programme for Labour’s first Queen’s Speech.
UK  politics  LabourParty  CorbynJeremy  Corbynism  IHRA  Tunis  wreath  PLO  media  journalism  smears  UmunnaChuka  centrism  split  Brexit  Momentum  referendum  dctagged  dc:creator=MasonPaul 
4 hours ago by petej
How Trump Could Get Fired | The New Yorker
The history of besieged Presidencies is, in the end, the history of hubris, of blindness to one’s faults, of deafness to warnings.
newyorker  politics  usa 
6 hours ago by robward
A Wealthy Opportunist Is Playing Michigan Progressives For Fools | HuffPost
The only thing more absurd than Shri Thanedar’s run for governor is that some people are buying it.
articles  michigan  politics  elections 
7 hours ago by gmisra
A Revolution from Within | Dissent Magazine
In a year of pivotal midterm elections, the rising left wing of the Democratic party is distinguished as much by how it organizes as the policies it advocates.
articles  politics 
7 hours ago by gmisra
Open Source Has Not Failed. Don't Cover Up Corporate Abuse of Open Source - DEV Community 👩‍💻👨‍💻
The analogy to software companies is direct: don't shame them for using open source. Shame them for attacking the copyright system and lobbying to restrict our rightful access to works held within that system. The corporations made the establishment of open source as a counterculture a necessity in the first place. Don't turn around and shake your ignorant finger at open source after that, with the obvious villain at your back.
opensource  politics 
10 hours ago by janpeuker

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