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aries1988 : 1989/6/4   26

许章润:我们当下的恐惧与期待|广场|中国修宪|端传媒 Initium Media
虽说此种治安格局及其后来发展出来的“维稳”路径,反过来滋生出新的问题,暴露出政治统治正当性不足这一致命病灶,但就其提供基本治安而言,却是成功的,也是合意的。
不宁唯是,三十多年里,尤其是1992年春夏之后,执政党以经济建设为中心,所谓“专心致志谋发展,聚精会神搞建设”

中国近代史上,1894年的甲午战争与1937年抗战爆发,两度打断中国的现代进程,致使追求日常政治的努力付诸东流,中国的现代事业因而被迫延宕。今日这一波延绵将近两个世纪的大转型已到收尾时段,有待临门一脚,切切不能再因战祸而中断。倘若中断,下次历史机遇何时再来,恐伊于胡底矣。

官员讲话,本为秘书手笔,不过等因奉此,居然汇编刊行,精装亮相,全球免费赠送,徒耗纸张,令人喷饭。
2019  china  ccp  choice  critic  1989/6/4 
17 days ago by aries1988
红色工程师李鹏的一生|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
在李的任内最具争议也最具符号性的工程,便是当时规模世界第一的长江三峡水电工程——长江在宜昌市三斗坪被截断、筑坝、引流,上百万库区民众就此移民。

这是李鹏早年的梦想。在回忆录中,李鹏称有三个原因将自己带上了水电的道路,一是列宁对共产主义的定义——苏维埃加电气化;二是斯大林时代的苏联第聂伯河水电站工程;三就是他向往三峡工程的建设。
1989/6/4 
4 weeks ago by aries1988
What's not happened since May 35, 1989 | The Japan Times
Now in Beijing everybody feigns ignorance. I don’t blame those ordinary Chinese interviewed on the streets who unanimously said, “I don’t know about it.” Their behavior isn’t wrong; it’s politically correct. What was wrong were the views of those of us in the West who dreamed a dream about China after June 4.

No civil society developed in China, although we thought in the late 1990s that the veterans of the 1989 Tiananmen incident would remain in the Communist Party and would eventually change the system from the inside toward democratization. We were wrong again. It’s time for us to stop our wishful thinking and become more realistic.
opinion  1989/6/4  japanese 
10 weeks ago by aries1988
Opinion | Thirty Years After Tiananmen: Someone Always Remembers - The New York Times
This view is not limited to a few dissidents or foreign scholars, people out to make China look bad or who just can’t let bygones be bygones. The memory of Tiananmen is also being kept alive by people in China who believe that a government that uses force to stay in power is illegitimate.

History is also written with the smallest of gestures. Every spring I make a small trip to the Babaoshan cemetery in the western suburbs of Beijing to pay respects to two victims of the Tiananmen Square massacre
Four lines of the poem inscribed on the back of Xuehan’s tombstone explain, in a code of sorts, both the cause of his death and Xu Jue’s ritual:

Eight calla lilies
Nine yellow chrysanthemums
Six white tulips
Four red roses

Eight, nine, six, four. Year, month, day. June 4, 1989.

Two years ago, Ms. Xu died of cancer, at 77. Both years since, I’ve made the trip to the graves, thinking someone ought to put out the flowers. Each time, the 27 flowers were already there, tied in a neat bundle. Someone remembered. Someone always remembers.
1989/6/4  history  concept  minjian  people  china  censorship  family  death  memory  ritual  beijing 
10 weeks ago by aries1988
The New Tiananmen Papers
It is not clear who, exactly, attended the Politburo meeting. But at least 17 people spoke, and each began his remarks with the words “I completely agree with” or “I completely support,” referring to Deng’s speech and Li’s report. All agreed that the student demonstrations had started as a “disturbance” (often translated as “turmoil”). They agreed that only when the demonstrators resisted the entry of troops into Beijing on June 2 did the situation turn into a “counterrevolutionary riot” that had to be put down by force. Each speech added personal insights, which served to demonstrate the sincerity of the speaker’s support for Deng’s line. Through this ceremony of affirmation, a divided party sought to turn the page and reassert control over a sullen society.
1989/6/4  dossier 
10 weeks ago by aries1988
自认“逃兵”的谢三泰,30年后解封的民运照片——那个春夏之交,在“北平”的台湾记者们(下)

是人前激昂呐喊,人后仍有拉撒需求时候:“有把公车拿来当作屏障,也有把公车改装成厕所的,我就进去过一次。一进去,每个屁股都对向我,学生也是,大妈也是,前后左右都开放的。那味道我不会形容⋯⋯到现在我还记得那景象,很可怕,我真恨自己,当初怎么不拍一张照片。”

“后来我辗转拿到北京出版社出版的摄影集,我发现中国官方通过影像,意图要将八九学运群众定性为暴民。”说起这事,谢三泰语气有些高亢,“那些照片远比我想像的还血腥,尸体多到我看了震撼不已⋯⋯但他们只片面呈现官方的死亡,通过照片想扭曲事实为:是这些暴民纵火等暴动行为,致使解放军不得不展开镇压。”
“我在上纪实摄影课的时候,我跟中国交换学生说,中国1989年有一个叫做六四天安门事件,知道吗?他们说,不知道。纵使知道,他们也说不知道。”谢三泰像在绕口令,“他们那是选择不知道。是家长要他们噤声,或是家里和学校根本不告诉他们。”
1989/6/4  journalist  beijing  story  wc  youth  anecdote 
12 weeks ago by aries1988
在武侠小说之外,报人金庸的“决定性时刻”|深度|一周精选|端传媒 Initium Media
2000年,金庸在中国内地文学刊物《收获》杂志上,发表了一篇自传式散文,在文章的最后一段里,他是这样写道:

“金庸的小说写得并不好。不过他总是觉得,不应当欺压弱小,使得人家没有反抗能力而忍受极大的痛苦,所以他写武侠小说。他正在写的时候,以后重读自己作品的时候,常常为书中人物的不幸而流泪。他写杨过等不到小龙女而太阳下山时,哭出声来;他写张无忌与小昭被迫分手时哭了;写萧峰因误会而打死心爱的阿朱时哭得更加伤心;他写佛山镇上穷人钟阿四全家给恶霸凤天南杀死时热血沸腾,大怒拍桌,把手掌也拍痛了。他知道这些都是假的,但世上有不少更加令人悲伤的真事,旁人有很多,自己也有不少。”

终于在2018年,当金庸远去后,他不需要再面对和思考如今的世界和中国,不需要面对所有的褒贬和悲欢。他和池田大作一起“探求一个灿烂的世纪”的美好理想,也还远未来到。

斯人已逝,当我们回顾金庸近一个世纪的跌宕人生时,会发现他在所有的“决定性时刻”,或犹豫或坚定后所做的最终抉择,“好人应该有好报”这句评价中共前领导人赵紫阳的简单信条,就几乎是金庸在他的武侠世界和社评文章里所要讲的全部事情。
literature  journalism  newspaper  hongkong  leader  zhejiang  obituary  history  20C  1989/6/4 
november 2018 by aries1988
异乡人──胡清心:异议者的修炼,是坚持跟内心黑暗打仗|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
我总认为自己是天生反动的,文革也算了解,因为父母在那段时间吃过苦,而自小在基督教家庭教会成长,政权的凶险也是亲身经历,不过宗教自由等论辩无从说起,只是觉得这个政权和政党对我们充满敌意。可是,遇见那些头头是道为政权维护的人,辩着辩着反倒自觉理亏,好像自己对共产党的不满,只是出于私人恩怨。

然后,思考的深度就停留在这里。这些问题太难回答,而在公民身份和政治生活被刻意淡化的环境中,确实找不到足以让我系统地整理自己的感受与想法的框架。日常生活有太多琐碎与精彩充斥,对社会政治的思考就算一晃而过,也匆匆被束之高阁。
self  learn  politics  thinking  china  story  family  1989/6/4 
november 2017 by aries1988
Remembering Tiananmen Square | The Nation
This was the “cancer cell” that the authorities had feared from the outset would appear if legal recognition were ever to be conferred on the student organizations. In the government’s eyes, if the statue of the Goddess of Democracy, erected in the square at the end of May, represented the arrogant defiance of the students and the symbolic intrusion of “bourgeois liberalism” and “Western subversion” into the sacred heart of Communist rule, the crude red-and-black banner of the Beijing Workers’ Autonomous Federation, not a hundred yards away from the goddess, represented the terrifying power of the workers awakened. Both had to be crushed, and the rapidly defecting party apparatus had to be frightened and shocked back into line.

From there on, the P.L.A. acted almost as if it were confronting Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap’s battle-hardened armies in the hills along the Sino-Vietnamese border rather than unarmed civilians. Local residents and Western journalists who visited the hospitals in western Beijing that night describe them as resembling abattoirs.
history  reportage  1989/6/4 
june 2017 by aries1988
‘Hi! I’m Fang!’ The Man Who Changed China by Perry Link | NYRblog | The New York Review of Books
But Fang observed that demands for liberalization had risen in the 1956 Hundred Flowers movement, in the 1979 Democracy Wall movement, and again in 1989—and each time the protesters began anew. No group knew the history of protest in its own country or about the progress that predecessors had made. This was, Fang argued, because the Communist Party of China has a program for erasing the memory of protest, and it works. They were now applying it again, and it would likely work again. Indeed, many young Chinese today have only vague notions that something happened in 1989, and what they do “know” is a highly distorted government-sponsored version of events. Fang was right.
story  democracy  scientist  china  1989/6/4 
september 2014 by aries1988
From Woodstock to War Zone: A WSJ Correspondent Recalls Tiananmen Protests

The following day my wife Audrey and some Reuters staff were evacuated, driving on nearly deserted roads to the airport, where families were already camped out, waiting for a flight out of the country. Audrey had no booking or ticket but she managed to get on a Swissair flight that had been diverted to Beijing to help get people out. She was happy to be going wherever the plane was headed. It turned out to be Bangkok.
story  1989/6/4 
june 2014 by aries1988
How Tiananmen Changed China - Melinda Liu - POLITICO Magazine
Student leader Wuer Kaixi was ringed by four concentric circles of “security monitors” in Tiananmen Square when I first met him 25 years ago in a throng of…
64  1989/6/4 
june 2014 by aries1988
Il y a vingt-cinq ans, le massacre de la place Tiananmen

«  Ces soldats, ils viennent pour la première fois à Pékin. Ils ne savent rien de ce qui s’y passe, ce sont des illettrés recrutés dans les coins les plus pauvres, des montagnards… On ne leur a rien dit d’intelligent…  », dira, plus tard, quelqu’un.

A Muxidi, où l'affrontement a commencé, ce sont, bizarrement, pas moins de quarante-six blindés de transports de troupes qui sont calcinés. Ils semblent s'être tous télescopés en série devant un barrage d'autobus. Se peut-il qu'une insurrection aussi improvisée que celle de Pékin ait réussi à infliger tant de pertes à une armée aussi bien préparée que celle qui campait aux portes de la ville depuis deux semaines? Le civil qui mit le feu, devant un diplomate occidental, en fin d'après-midi, dimanche, à l'aide de torchons et d'essence, à un de ces blindés curieusement abandonné par tous ses occupants, agissait-il vraiment pour le mouvement contestataire?

Il n'y aura pas, ici, de solidarité internationale possible, face au drame de ces dizaines de milliers d'intellectuels, contestataires ou pauvres pions broyés sur l'échiquier de la politique chinoise qui avaient eu la mauvaise idée de penser librement sans même chercher à renverser le régime.

La chute à laquelle on vient d'assister est plus vertigineuse que ce dérisoire symbole ne le suggère : sauf sursaut national, la Chine a fait un nouveau plongeon dans le règne d'une soldatesque à la mentalité préhistorique.
history  china  reportage  français  killing  1989/6/4 
june 2014 by aries1988

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