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专访宪法学者张千帆:宪政文明的暖流会融化中国体制的坚冰|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
张千帆是中国最负盛名的宪法学者之一,研究领域包括比较宪法与行政法,司法制度,中西方政治、道德与法律思想。

我们必须理解,宪法规定的党的领导是抽象和一般的,不是指治国理政日常实践中各级领导人的具体行为。任何领导人都是会犯错误的凡人,譬如某个县委书记完全可能滥用职权。宪法规定的党的领导显然不是要神化任何领导人,否则就变成了人治,就抵触了宪法第五条规定的法治和依法治国。这些问题早在八十年代就得到清理并达成共识,现在不应该再成为问题。

因此,问题不在于党的领导,而在于如何领导。执政党需要通过宪法和法律去体现其意志,执政党的意志应该通过民主和法治程序体现出来,而不是通过各种讲话或指示。当然,执政党的行为可以通过制定党内规章加以规范,但这些法规、规章都必须符合宪法。事实上,你用宪法规定来坚持党的领导地位,这本身已表明执政党只能在宪法与合宪法律的框架内行使权力。否则,宪法没有意义的话,党的领导也就没有法律根基了。

实际上,世界上每个国家的政府都是不愿意实施宪法的,但民主国家的政府不得不实施宪法,最终是因为有选票,不实施宪法的话会得罪太多的选民,领导人当选了也会下台。但如果没有真正的选举,政府不用对公民负责,不实施宪法也没有什么后果。

如果双方都能了解对方的真实想法,共同点还是很容易找到的,因为央港博弈是一种“协调博弈”,而非零和博弈。中央的主要目标维持主权统一,香港则希望维持高度自治的空间和制度的完整性。在主权统一的基础之上,中央应该还是愿意去谈的。现在,中央可能对于香港有一些误解,好像主张港独的人越来越多;香港则觉得中央似乎越来越强硬,这样下去会对双方之间的情感和认知产生负面影响。

中国现体制可以被视为两次世界大战的国际“冰河期”形成的一块坚冰。现在冰河早已融化,世界主流文明一直处于自由民主的暖流中。记得刚打倒“四人帮”的时候,叶剑英就说过“坚冰已经打破,航道已经开通”。此言不虚,四十年改革开放其实就是暖流和坚冰的“热交换”过程。当然,摩擦还会不断发生,自由民主国家也会遇到移民、民粹、两极分化等问题的困扰,但是应该会有惊无险,社会契约即便破裂也会修复。如果今后若干年我们仍然处在一个温暖的国际大环境下,我相信世界文明暖流最终会化解每一块坚冰。
interview  opinion  constitution  china  hongkong  game  theory  democracy  today  future  leader  intelligentsia  reform  politics 
9 weeks ago by aries1988
Fire of Notre-Dame: An elegy of Western decline - CGTN
if the collapse of the Twin Towers of New York City in 911 represented a deep wound of American capitalism, the fall of Notre-Dame spire is at least a sign of decay of Christendom in France and perhaps even a deny of the state's political order.
opinion  2019  chinese  intelligentsia  west  civ  christianity  france  crisis 
9 weeks ago by aries1988
郑永年:亚洲的困局_爱思想

第二个阶段即二战之后的“主动”的思想殖民阶段。在这阶段,通过亚洲各国的反殖民运动,物质意义上的殖民地消失了,但思想上的殖民地主义根深蒂固,不仅无意识地存在下来,而且变本加厉。在“被动殖民”阶段还存在着各种形式的抵抗,但在“主动殖民”阶段,不仅毫无抵抗的迹象,更有自我“摧残”现象的发生。

教育系统的独立性也是有限的。更多的国家则是主动接受了西方的教育系统。
这种情况的存在不仅仅在于西方教育系统在客观上较亚洲先进(无论是自然科学还是社会科学),更在于亚洲国家没有自己的信心和能力,把自己的发展经验提升成为以亚洲为经验基础的社会科学。尽管亚洲国家的学者也提出了“东方主义”的命题,并且也一度盛行,但无论是“东方主义”还是后来的“后殖民主义”“后现代主义”等理论都是解构型的,而非建设型的。

尽管印度到目前为止,仍然被西方视为最大的民主,但随着其发展,印度和西方的冲突也只是时间问题,而非可能性问题。如同中国,一个庞大的印度也很难“伪装”自己。
colonialism  intelligentsia  education  west  asia  history 
january 2019 by aries1988
政见访谈|刘擎:如何观察西方知识界 | 政见 CNPolitics.org
采访:政见团队成员 王菁 整理:邓哲远,黄文钰,彭肖茜,王春晖, Weiru,温心怡,一根路,云阳,张阳 【精彩观点集锦】 ◆人类正处在新的技术文明大突破的前夜,可能会改变我们的世界图景,改变自我理解的方式和存在方式。这对我们传统的社会、文化和政治安排,都有难以估量的影响。 ◆在今天全球化的时代,没有一桩纯粹的…
intelligentsia  west  china  humanities 
october 2018 by aries1988
陈浩武:为什么要让石门坎重新回归公众视野?
我们今天要让石门坎重新回归公众视野,并非突然发思古之幽情,而是因为中国当下普遍面临着一种深刻的精神危机,这种危机就表现在社会仅仅关注经济增长而罔顾对环境造成的破坏,甚至有断子绝孙之忧;再加上人际之间信任关系丧失,精神领域的荒废、理想的荒芜、信仰的崩溃、道德的沦丧这些方面,我相信所有的人都不会怀疑当今社会所存在的这些问题。

唐代“会昌法难”以后,佛教的精神气质在发生变化,它不再是原来印度的那个佛教。其中,以龙树为代表的大乘佛教哲学思想,逐步被佛教的净土宗和禅宗取代;佛教的净土宗和禅宗是非常世俗化的宗教,而具有哲学思辨意义的“三论宗”和“天台宗”基本消失。今天在中国大陆,已经找不到原教旨意义上的天台宗寺院。我几乎走遍了中国现存的大概几十座天台宗的寺庙,它们都成了禅宗寺院。

佛家由于没有经历过宗教改革,没有神学思想的觉悟,它对精英阶层慢慢地丧失了吸引力。另外,我们在全世界的范围内,也找不到一个佛家文化导致这个国家现代化的范本,说明佛教和现代文明是明显地缺乏亲和力的。

“五四运动”带来的一个最直接的结果,就是马克思主义在中国的传播。当时的思想领域有三大流派:以陈独秀、李大钊为代表的激进的革命派,以胡适、蔡元培为代表的所谓自由主义,和以章士钊、严复为代表的保守主义。前面两派在五四运动以后形成国共两党,他们在某一点上是完全一致的,就是主张激进革命,主张反传统,打倒孔家店;而保守主义的一派很快销声匿迹。在这种情况下,中国无论是儒、释、道,到了文革,统统都变得奄奄一息。
minguo  intelligentsia  religion  buddhism  confucianism  activist  today 
october 2018 by aries1988
专访余英时:中国现代学术“典范”的建立

在《余英时作品系列总序》中,余英时先生自陈:“我的专业是十九世纪以前的中国史,就已发表的专题论述而言,大致上起春秋、战国,下迄清代中期,所涉及的方面也很宽广:包括社会史、文化史、思想史、政治史、中外关系史汉代等。”但诚如其所言,他涉猎广泛的研究也不是无的放矢,“我自早年进入史学领域之后,便有一个构想,即在西方(主要是西欧)文化系统对照之下,怎样去认识中国文化传统的特色。”

微观相当于考证,即对于具体历史事实做最彻底的考察和阐释,但这样的工作往往只见个树木而不见森林。因此在历史研究中,宏观绝不可少。宏观相当于孟子所谓“观其大”,其涵义比宋学所谓“义理”要丰富得多,这是“见森林”的必经之路。但“见森林”又不能不看清楚林中一颗颗的树,否则便不免如傅斯年的名言所说,可能将天际浮云当作森林了。

有关我研究中国史的构想所在,简略概括:在西方现代文化及其发展出来的普世价值挑战之下,我们怎样才能认识中国传统文化的特色?我认为只有抓住了它的特色,我们才能够认识中、西文化的异同,并进一步追问,中国文化中有哪些成分和现代普世价值是互相冲突的?哪些是可以互相呼应的?

我研究中国史特别选择变革时代的独特动态。因为这种独特动态最能显示出精神价值的流变。

已故陈荣捷先生毕生在美国介绍中国哲学和思想。他曾说,如果用一个词字来概括全部中国哲学史的话,那个字便是“人文主义”。这句话在西方已被普遍地接受了。陈先生的人文主义当然是指中国文化对“人”的尊重,尤以儒家为最显著。孔子的“仁”便是“人道”,孟子强调人性善,又特别提醒“人之异于禽兽”,更是把人的尊严提升到最高的地位。所以“天地之性人为贵”成为中国人的共同信仰。稍稍认识西方近代文化史的人都知道,“人文主义”兴起于文艺复兴时期的意大利,当时人文主义者特别倡导人的尊严和人在宇宙中的独特地位。这种人文主义的精神稍后进入西方教育界,塑造了西方现代的独立人格,其影响一直延续到十九世纪。西方自由和民主的成长得力于人文主义教育,无人不知,就不用再说了。

中古时期,由于种种原因,希腊文学传统已在意大利地区消失无踪,既无人讲授,也无人研究。直到十三四世纪以后,意大利人文学者才逐渐从法国图书馆中发现希腊文稿,包括荷马史诗的原稿之类,终于酿成了“文艺复兴”运动。这是文化价值失而复得的一个最伟大的史证。中国经史子集的典籍俱在,何况,当年在传统精神价值中成长起来的先一辈人,早就在有意无意之间把他们的价值意识传到下一代身上。所以“守先待后”决不是一种幻想。

1949年以后的大错误,不在其为“进步史观”,而在其“定于一尊”。

西方的思想界是开放的,种种不同的史观都出现过,其中还有反“进步”的史观大行其道的,如斯宾格勒(Oswald Spengler 1880-1936)的《西方的没落》(The Decline of the West)和汤因比(Arnold J Toynbee 1889-1975)的《历史研究》(A Study of History)

今天很少人还相信有什么普遍规律为各民族或文化所共有;更不相信西方是先走上“现代”阶段,其他各民族落后了一步,但最后也会赶上来。换句话说,现在不存在什么“进步史观”足以构成“挑战”的对象了。
confucianism  chinese  tradition  culture  crisis  evolution  west  book  leader  intelligentsia  taiwan  dissident  instapaper_favs 
october 2018 by aries1988
专访余英时:没有一个政权能全恃暴力而传之久远|端傳媒 Initium Media
这位名满天下的历史学家,尽管已经从讲坛上退隐,但仍然密切关注著中国的发展。他承认在眼见的未来,现状似乎没有改变的可能;但同时表示,绝不认为“党资本主义”专政已一统天下、无可撼动。

在这一“党资本主义”建立和成长的过程中,当然也有一些平民,由于机缘凑巧而“富起来”的,但他们的人数与规模都远不能与上述类型的人相比,因而也不是足以形成自由市场中的中产阶级。所以,整体观察,在“改革开放”以后致富的人,不是一般自由市场中的资产阶级,而是一个特权群体;他们的特权完全依附于党的当权派,自然不可能产生民主诉求,因为民主是不允许任何特权存在的。大陆观察家对于这一“党资本主义”早有深切认识,称之为“权贵资本主义”。据我所见,晚年赵紫阳在反思中也接受了这一概念。
future  china  intelligentsia 
august 2018 by aries1988
霍夫施塔特:美国自由主义的主要诠释者
“对我来说,迪克是学者型知识分子的典范,我试着向他学习……他工作很努力,想写出好书,但他完全没有那种经常被称为美国人成功源泉的烦人的咄咄逼人姿态。他谦虚、善良,但最重要的是,他不把自己强加于别人之上,而这似乎是知识分子特有的毛病。霍夫施塔特树立了一个可能具有道德教育意义的榜样。即使他在沉默时也能给人带来助益。”
usa  intelligentsia  ww2  book  liberalism 
july 2018 by aries1988
Mary Beard Takes On Her Sexist Detractors | The New Yorker

In “The Fires of Vesuvius: Pompeii Lost and Found” (2008), she points out that the ancient city lacked zoning regulations, which meant that a blacksmith’s noisy shop could lie on the other side of the wall from a wealthy family’s frescoed dining room. Her deductive observation from the presence of tartar on the teeth of skeletons—that Pompeii was a city of bad breath—is a typical Beardian turn.

Beard does not wear makeup and she doesn’t color her abundant gray hair. She dresses casually, with minor eccentricities: purple-rimmed spectacles, gold sneakers. She looks comfortable both in her skin and in her shoes—much more preoccupied with what she is saying than with how she looks as she is saying it.

She is a frequent contributor to Radio 4, the British equivalent of NPR, offering audio essays on subjects as varied as dementia, the four-minute mile, and academic testing.
bbc  female  culture  classic  university  intelligentsia  uk  history  roman 
june 2018 by aries1988
徐賁:「強制說服」下的羊群變異──五七幹校與中國知識分子|深度|探索學院|端傳媒 Initium Media
思想改造是一種 「強制說服」(coercive persuasion),在各國普遍存在於一些強制社會化程序中(如罪犯改造、戒毒、反邪教、心理治療等)。而在中國語境裏,強制說服則是一種意識形態主導的大規模思想改造,其涉及面之廣、強制手段之發達是其他國家難以相比的。

「認知失調」。它指的是人在接觸到一些有違原先信念或價值的事情之後所出現的衝突狀態。這種衝突會引起不適和焦慮,而當事人則會採取化解措施。許多知識分子在被改造時,會在自己的獨立人格理想與被迫的無條件服從之間感受到一種惱人的矛盾衝突。倘若放棄獨立人格,許多人會為此感到羞愧。為了平息內心的羞愧,他們需要為自己的放棄找到合理解釋,勸藉自己稱這是一個正確選擇。自己選擇放棄獨立人格不是因為懦弱和害怕,而是因為有了新的「覺悟」,是一種思想「進步」。這種調適開始是一種自我欺騙,但最後會弄假成真,「轉變」便是弄假成真的結果。

再也不可能恢復到1949年以前的狀態了,他們已經固定而持久地變成了一個具有中國特色的新品種——狡黠、精明、犬儒、善於偽裝。半個多世紀以來中國知識人的人格破損、自尊心坍塌、道德意識崩潰,已經在新環境下適者生存需要的過程中演化出新的「文化人」基因。

德熱拉斯(M. Djilas)在著名的《新階級》一書裏指出,無論為意識形態的思想改造投入多少人力物力,「這一切手段所收穫的效果並不大。在任何情況下,效果與所花費的力量及方法都不相稱」,它之所以還在繼續,不是因為它真能改變人們的思想和信念,而是因為它能「使一切與官方不同的意識都不可能表現出來」。
opinion  history  china  mao  intelligentsia  mind  education 
june 2018 by aries1988
Surrounded by Jew-Haters
In the early years of Nazi conquests in Eastern Europe the ravening enthusiasm for pogroms among the indigenous populations of countries such as Poland, Lithuania, and Estonia startled even the SS. However, the detestation of Jews among all levels of Romanian society, particularly intellectuals, was unrelenting.

Sebastian survived the war largely because from early on the Romanian regime shrewdly saw that Germany would be defeated and switched its policy toward the Jews in hopes of placating the victorious Allies. His survival was cut short, however, in a way that is both tragic and banal. The final note in the Journal reads: On 29 May 1945, Mihail Sebastian was hit and killed by a truck in downtown Bucharest.
writer  story  intelligentsia  romania  ww2  jew  genocide  history 
march 2018 by aries1988
The French Origins of “You Will Not Replace Us”

He sees immigration as one aspect of a nefarious global process that renders obsolete everything from cuisine to landscapes. “The very essence of modernity is the fact that everything—and really everything—can be replaced by something else, which is absolutely monstrous,” he said.

When Benoist writes that “humanity is irreducibly plural” and that “diversity is part of its very essence,” he is not supporting the idea of a melting pot but of diversity in isolation

These disciples, instead of calling for an “Islamic holocaust,” can argue that rootedness in one’s homeland matters, and that immigration, miscegenation, and the homogenizing forces of neoliberal market economies collude to obliterate identities that have taken shape over hundreds of years—just as relentless development has decimated the environment. Benoist’s romantic-sounding ideas can be cherry-picked and applied to local political resentments.

Faye, like Renaud Camus, is appalled by the dictates of modern statecraft, which define nationality in legal rather than ethnic terms.

Camus lamenting that “a veiled woman speaking our language badly, completely ignorant of our culture” could declare that she is just as French as an “indigenous” man who is “passionate for Roman churches, and for the verbal and syntactic delicacies of Montaigne and Rousseau, for Burgundy wines, for Proust, and whose family has lived for generations in the same valley.” What appalls Camus, Polakow-Suransky notes, is that “legally, if she has French nationality, she is completely correct.”

This is true, but there is always a threshold at which a quantitative change becomes qualitative; migration was far less extensive in the Middle Ages than it is today. French liberals can surely make a case for immigration without pretending that nothing has changed: a country that in 1900 was almost uniformly Catholic now has more than six million Muslims.

Yet feminism, Starbucks, the smartphone, the L.G.B.T.Q. movement, the global domination of English, EasyJet, Paris’s loss of centrality in Western cultural life—all of these developments have disrupted what it means “to be French.” The problem with identitarianism isn’t simply that it is nostalgic; it’s that it fixates on ethnicity to the exclusion of all else.
interview  usa  islam  muslim  france  français  intelligentsia  book  debate  population  race  altright  culture  identity  liberalism 
november 2017 by aries1988
你真想在大英博物馆谈笑风扔,这 1100 页书还能挡得住你?

站在泰晤士河边远眺当年并没给炸上天的国会大厦时,要记得这个西半球北部的蕞尔岛国曾经并且依然多么深刻地影响着我们中国人的生活方式与一部分中国人的阅读方式与一小部分中国人的思考方式。
uk  british  manifesto  intelligentsia  chinese  loveletter 
november 2017 by aries1988
Nobel laureate Svetlana Alexievich on her fears for Russia’s ‘collective Putin’
Not only did many of the intellectuals of her generation lose their jobs, their savings and their ideals: they also experienced no catharsis, since no one from the former regime was ever brought to justice. I ask her if Russia might have turned out differently if there had been a trial of the Communist party. “I was convinced there should have been,” she says. But others, including her father, an ardent communist, disagreed. “He said it would have led to civil war,” she says. As a result there was no reckoning with the Soviet past, no Russian Nuremberg. “We missed our chance,” she says.
interview  russia  communism  intelligentsia  today  history  literature  zeitgeist  nation 
june 2017 by aries1988
His Kampf

Was Hitchens’s critique of Christianity, he said, not as wan and naive as Christianity itself? Christianity had bound together the civilizations of Europe, and now Hitchens wanted to replace it with—well, what exactly? American neoliberal internationalism? Why should anyone care if Christianity was irrational and illiberal, when rationality and liberalism had never been its purpose? Hitchens had missed the point.

In his view, the Bush administration had manipulated the country into war. “Spreading democracy” and “freedom” are, Spencer said, false ideals, distracting Americans from what really matters—namely, a consciousness of their identity as whites with a shared Christian heritage.

In December, the hipster-Marxist magazine Jacobin published an online essay, “The Elite Roots of Richard Spencer’s Racism,” that sought to understand his white supremacy. “He represents a common and longstanding (if overlooked) phenomenon: the well-educated and financially comfortable bigot,” the author, Michael Phillips, wrote. “His blend of racism and elitism represents only an extreme version of a worldview that has long prevailed among the affluent in Spencer’s hometown.”

Among the German ideas he adopted was a concept of race different from the one he and I had been taught in our multicultural workshops in the ’90s. In the modern era, American discussion of race has limited itself, by convention, to a few canonical categories: black, white, Asian, American Indian, Hispanic. “Race isn’t just color,” Spencer told an audience in December. “Color is, in a way, a minor aspect of race.”

For Spencer, race is more akin to the German Volksgeist, literally “the spirit of a people.” Volksgeist is associated, historically, with Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744–1803), and Germans became enchanted with it during the 19th century. Some would say the Second World War was the culmination of German devotion to their own Volksgeist. Herder’s followers proposed that each people has an essence that distinguishes it from others.

As one who knew Spencer when we were both hapless, overprivileged adolescents, sharing a desire to transcend our origins, what interests me the most about him is his self-reinvention, the intellectual costume changes (foppish actor, grad-school blowhard, opera-director manqué, and now architect of a white utopian dream of world-historical consequence) spanning three decades. After all, it is said that one of the great advantages of America is that its daughters and sons can escape the strictures of the world in which they were raised, be unlike their forefathers. Spencer has certainly done that.
portrait  altright  leader  university  idea  opinion  religion  usa  west  african  racism  Philosophy  intelligentsia  nazi 
june 2017 by aries1988
The People Who Pass

Outside the Gare du Nord, there are people streaming from the Eurostar, tourists looking for a week’s pleasure, mingled with travellers recently arrived from Bulgaria and Romania, looking for a job or a new life. The kinds cross, with the French, permanently frowning and suspicious, among them, and the tension rises.

the usual conviction of the French police that the human comedy as it unfolds is so absorbing that to intervene and impose artificial order upon it would be inartistic.

The thieves, and their invisible directors, are perceived by the French public as exclusively Roma—what English speakers often call Gypsies, the nomadic people long idealized as romantic and, for just as long, pursued as petty criminals.

We are manifold and must be respected as individuals—and we are completely different from the rest of you, with our own culture and history, giving us a collective identity that allows us to belong to the larger world of nations, just as you do. It’s our being completely different from the rest of you that makes us like the rest of you.

If Hamidovic was the face of the predatory Roma, Leonarda was the face of their persecution.

The majority should return to their countries. . . . Our role is not to welcome all the world’s misery.

Valls’s words—widely taken both as a testament of no-nonsense enforcement and as a bid for eventual power as Prime Minister or even President

an exasperated account of how the old Republican idea of French identity, open to all through education but still very specific in its style (high-minded) and values (meritocratic to the max), has been demoralized by a slack and hasty pluralism.

They insist, with Finkielkraut, that this angelism is part of a larger, enforced cult of the Other, a compulsory act of celebrating difference that is undermining the French state, so that the defenders of little Leonarda insist on embracing the Other, even as the Other picks their pockets.

In a matter of years, representations of the tsiganes have shifted away from musical talents, bohème, and free spirit to a portrayal of Roma otherness. It is our decision to see kinds that makes us sort kinds.

My daughter, when she was ten, said to her friend, ‘I’d like to eat your belly!’ I was called into the school—the principal was shocked! Perhaps my daughter needed to see a psychiatrist.

On one subject, Carmona is categorical. France is the worst place for Roma to be born. It suffers from centuries of ‘Enlightenment,’ the many centuries that created this Jacobin so-called ‘universalist’ frame without any regard to subjugated knowledge or subjugated peoples. In France, ethnic minorities are not even recognized—there’s a process of negation of identity that leads to the absurd category of ‘gens du voyage.’

If an unashamed, de-complexed agenda of national order and national security is not made plausible, the argument goes, the middle classes will continue their flight to the far right.

Le Pen can be declawed, he thinks, only if mainstream politicians can learn to speak truths that seem obvious to the stressed middle class.

The big problem in France is one of authority. Where is the authority in France? There is no authority in France now. François Hollande is no authority. In the family, where is the authority? In school, where is the authority? The ‘regal’ state of France has become nonexistent.

This is the problem of integration. What you can say twenty years ago, you can’t say it now. It is this question of bien-pensants, of angelism, and the right wing and the left wing are together responsible.

Mobility, rootlessness, nomadism—these are the facts of the new Europe. We must read Victor Hugo. The happy face of nomadism is all the French gone to London to be bankers. The wretched face is the poor Roma in their camps. And, great surprise, the miserables of our time turn out to be poor immigrants in the cold who behave like poor immigrants in the cold. Behind it, beneath it, is the new fear of having no floor beneath one’s feet. Ordinary French people feel that a real fall is possible.
paris  france  immigrant  society  politics  debate  europe  history  identity  immigration  crime  culture  book  intelligentsia  rom 
february 2017 by aries1988
Sometimes the People Need to Call the Experts

The government about to take over in Washington has more billionaires than the Boston of Buckley’s time, but it seems willing to test the theory that academics can be dispensed with for the most part.

experts. They understand the importance of applying expertise to complex problems, and they realize many issues do not respond well to common-sense fixes. The citizenry usually cannot make good decisions, or for that matter expert appointments, when technocracy is required.

Very few citizens understand such basic concepts as how inflation rates are calculated, the differences between real and nominal rates of interest, or how the shadow banking system is supposed to work, much less tripartite repurchase agreements or the Basel capital standards. The complexities increase every year, and it is no accident that the last two Fed chairs have been drawn from the highest ranks of academic economists.

each stands a chance of being right in some particular circumstances, and the populist approach doesn’t have any way to differentiate. For that you have to call in someone who specializes in monetary economics, a field with many counterintuitive conclusions.

There is a time and place for populist sentiment, but an excess can be counterproductive on its own terms. As expertise is pushed out the door, the citizenry itself gets a bad name, precisely when we most need it to step up to the plate and demand some excellence.
intelligentsia  mao  government  usa  public  opinion  expert  choice  populism  instapaper_favs 
january 2017 by aries1988
中国和日本的反差,杜威百年前怎么看? - 纽约时报中文网

但是当时中国的自由知识分子同样有着困惑,杜威在书信中写道,学生们最容易向我问到的问题是‘我们所有关于永久和平和世界主义的希望都在巴黎破碎了,这已经说明,强权就是真理。强国总是为了自己的目的牺牲弱国。那么,难道中国就不应该将军国主义也纳入我们的教育体系吗?’
history  comparison  china  japan  society  ww1  american  intelligentsia 
january 2017 by aries1988
The history man: how Saul Friedländer told his own story

But when he began working on Nazi anti-Semitism in the early 1960s, little had been written on it, and it was not regarded as an entirely respectable subject either in West Germany or in Israel. Where Memory Leads offers a close-to-the-ground view of the debates, scholarly and less scholarly, that erupted in both countries from the Auschwitz trials of 1963-65 to the so-called Historians’ Battle of the late 1980s. It is a powerful reminder of just how much intellectual labour was required in West Germany to get the country to where it is today, the most historically self-aware democracy in the world. But engaging with Nazism was no simple matter for Israeli historians either, especially after 1967. The founders of the new state wanted to turn their back on a European past of victimhood and celebrate the virile heroes of the war of independence. They did at first not take kindly to Friedländer’s insistence that this too was part of the country’s past, and it took time before the political elite became as comfortable as it is today invoking the memory of the Holocaust.
holocaust  intelligentsia  book  thinking  isreal  jewish  question  deutschland  ww2  leader  germany 
november 2016 by aries1988
对于“废柴”巴西的想象和误解:与其互黑,不如共情_文化课_澎湃新闻-The Paper
葡萄牙是在荷兰与法国明确表达出对那块肥沃殖民地的觊觎之后,才真正开始了殖民巴西。他们派出了军队,赶跑了荷兰人,确认了对巴西的绝对统治。我有不少中国知识界的朋友,对于荷兰没有成功占领巴西一事耿耿于怀,觉得如果宗主国不是葡萄牙这个天主教废柴,而是荷兰这个发达的新教国家,那么以巴西的先天条件,何愁不混个第一世界国家当当?他们深深地为巴西遗憾、委屈,就像许子东老师一样。

在《巴西之根》中,他详细地对比了葡萄牙与荷兰人之间的差异。荷兰人打北方来,喜寒怕热,热爱秩序,到哪儿都要建个整洁干净的城市,给自己人住,特别不爱下乡,尤其不跟土著妇女乱搞。葡萄牙人从温暖的南欧来,对热带的气候比较适应,性格也不是那样龟毛,吊床上也能睡睡。葡萄牙本土等级制并不森严,再加上高门大户的都不来巴西,所以来巴西的这批人也没什么门户之见,跟土著妇女通婚也不是什么大事。这样,才能孕育出一个新的种族,成为了未来巴西的基础。

我也一点儿不觉得遗憾,因为如果荷兰真的占领了巴西,那么巴西今天就成了南非。现实如此打脸,我真不愿提醒那些善心人。

各种来源的文化要素,交融在一起,形成了多元共生的奇观。这当然是伟大的贡献,并不逊于希腊的光荣、罗马的成就、英伦的保守主义、法兰西的自由平等博爱,尤其是对于当下的世界。
essay  brazil  portugal  history  nation  zeitgeist  olympics  2016  comparison  chinese  perception  today  intelligentsia  netherlands  success  cliche 
august 2016 by aries1988
The French Culture Wars Continue - The New Yorker
We are in a society that is so secularized that it no longer understands the reality of religiosity itself, Roy has said. It’s precisely there that we must make an effort, to normalize the Muslim reality as a religious reality and integrate it into the French cultural space.
debate  society  religion  muslim  islam  female  intelligentsia  culture  integration  conflict  instapaper_favs 
may 2016 by aries1988
Edge People
Undergraduates today can select from a swathe of identity studies: gender studies, women’s studies, Asian-Pacific-American studies, and dozens of others. The shortcoming of all these para-academic programs is not that they concentrate on a given ethnic or geographical minority; it is that they encourage members of that minority to study themselves—thereby simultaneously negating the goals of a liberal education and reinforcing the sectarian and ghetto mentalities they purport to undermine. All too frequently, such programs are job-creation schemes for their incumbents, and outside interest is actively discouraged. Blacks study blacks, gays study gays, and so forth.

I prefer the edge: the place where countries, communities, allegiances, affinities, and roots bump uncomfortably up against one another—where cosmopolitanism is not so much an identity as the normal condition of life.

If identification with a community of origin was fundamental to my sense of self, I would perhaps hesitate before criticizing Israel—the Jewish State, my people—so roundly. Intellectuals with a more developed sense of organic affiliation instinctively self-censor: they think twice before washing dirty linen in public.
thinking  essay  identity  nation  intelligentsia 
may 2016 by aries1988
中國為何沉默?|故事
我所谓的中国的沉默。准确地说,应该是三重沉默:因为我们听不到它谈它的现在、它晚近的历史、还有它整体上的过去。

最缺的也并不是资讯,而是对社会整体面临的根本问题进行开放的讨论。对新闻的控制最为有害的效果不是隐藏了某些真相,而是阻止了中国人就已知的事实表达意见,加以分析,得出结论。还记得新闻自由和反腐斗争,乃是1989年民主运动首要的诉求,许多记者还曾率先游行抗争。

他们将明白,中国一个世纪以来所遭受的一系列不幸,尽管有中国历史文化本身的原因,但其主因却是这个将全人类都卷入了其中的失控的连锁反应。他们会发现别的人民经历过的悲剧于他们将会是可以借镜的,而他们的悲剧对别人也会多有启迪。到那时,他们的关怀将会取得一种现在还不曾有过的普世性意义。
opinion  china  world  intelligentsia  history 
november 2015 by aries1988
The decline of the French intellectual
Intellectuals in France are not just experts in their particular fields, such as literature, art, philosophy and history. They also speak in universal terms, and are expected to provide moral guidance about general social and political issues. Indeed, the most eminent French intellectuals are almost sacred figures, who became global symbols of the causes they championed — thus Voltaire’s powerful denunciation of religious intolerance, Rousseau’s rousing defense of republican freedom, Victor Hugo’s eloquent tirade against Napoleonic despotism, Émile Zola’s passionate plea for justice during the Dreyfus Affair, and Simone de Beauvoir’s bold advocacy of women’s emancipation. France’s vocation is to consume herself for the glory of the world, for others as much as for herself, for an ideal which is yet to be attained of humanity and world civilization. Arguably the most important reason for the French loss of intellectual dynamism is the growing sense that there has been a major retreat of French power on the global stage, both in its material, hard terms and in its cultural soft dimensions. In a world dominated politically by the United States, culturally by the dastardly ‘Anglo-Saxons, and in Europe by the economic might of Germany, the French are struggling to reinvent themselves. Indeed, as Europe fumbles shamefully in its collective response to its current refugee crisis, it is sobering that the reaction which has been most in tune with the Enlightenment’s Rousseauist heritage of humanity and cosmopolitan fraternity has come not from socialist France, but from Christian-democratic Germany.
intelligentsia  explained  français 
september 2015 by aries1988
大陆的“什么东西”和台湾的“您”_易速利_新浪博客
最让我诧异的还是“您”的使用。我印象中大陆的“您”主要适合于长辈、领导,而台湾的“您”似乎适合于所有人,甚至包括晚辈。

稍微有點歷史知識和政治覺知的人,都知道自古以來像二二八事件、林家血案這種慘事並不稀罕。世界各國,只要有專制政權存在,這種事就會發生,甚至比二二八事件更慘的事也所在多有。因為製造血腥、散布恐怖本來就是專制政權賴以存續並穩固的根基。要避免類似慘劇,除了徹底根除專制政權外,沒有其他辦法。如果不設法根除專制政權,那麼即使把殺死老弱的凶手、開槍屠殺人民的土兵,甚至帶頭下令的將軍都捉來碎屍萬段也無濟於事,因為他們都不過是專制政權的工具而已。簡單地說,元凶不除,殺再多的嘍囉也沒有用。而所謂元凶,並不單單是某一個人,而是專制思想和制度。至於如何清除專制,迄今唯一可行的方法就是:「確確實實地實踐民主」。

以上所說的雖然是很淺顯的歷史事實,了解歷史發展的人也都知道它是不必解說的真理,但是生活在專制體制下的良民,卻大多會因為宅心良善或受到專制政權宣傳的影響而不會有這樣的了悟。爸爸雖然一輩子生活在專制政權下,說來慚愧,卻也直到本身受到專制政權的凌虐以及家中發生了慘劇,才徹悟了以上的道理,也才專心致志、竭盡心力走在追求民主的路途上。希望您和您的後代能及早和爸爸有同樣的覺醒而堅信民主、維護民主。
language  taiwan  intelligentsia  comparison 
may 2015 by aries1988
Teaching ‘Western Values’ in China

Chinese-style democratic meritocracy is the only viable alternative to liberal democracy, and I have front row seats to China’s experiment. What else could a political theorist ask for?

That said, I am in favor of free speech in universities. And my views are widely shared in Chinese academia: Whatever people say in public, I haven’t met a single Chinese intellectual — socialist, liberal or Confucian — who argues in private discussion for censorship of scholarly works. Censorship only serves to alienate intellectuals.
china  temoignage  intelligentsia  politics  university  freedom  expression  teaching  youth  chinese  challenge 
may 2015 by aries1988
余英时:中国转一个身非常困难
中国轴心时代的突破就是孔子的出现,他把中国从原始宗教的晚期提升到一个全新的精神领域。试以“天”或“天命”的概念为例:在商周时期,天命只能维系在一个人身上,就是建立了王朝的最高统治者。最高统治者进行统治的理由在于他有天命在身。而他与天的沟通是通过“巫”进行,当然也有一些统治者自己变成“大巫”,也就是“众巫之长”。孔子带来的变化在于他把天命观给改变了,不再是最高统治者一个人和他的王朝所拥有的了。他也把中国文化从过去由“巫”所控制的礼乐给解放了出来。他提到“五十而知天命”,这里面天命已经不再只是指一个王朝了,而是个人,也就是说个人也可以拥有天命。他说“知我者其天乎”,他已经承认个人和天可以沟通。这个观点后来变成了孔子的“仁”的观念,孟子解释说孔子的“仁”就是人心,“仁,人心也”。当然后来也有各家各派的解读,中国的思想史也就开始了。

我以中国的轴心突破和西方作对比,发现中国在突破后的超越精神世界是内向的,可以简称之为“内向超越”("inward transcendence"),与西方突破后的“外在超越”是两条不同的文化道路。西方的超越世界,无论是柏拉图的“理性世界”或稍后基督教的“上帝之都”,都是完全外在于人间世界,并高高在上。而中国的超越世界——“道”——则是“天人合一”的产品,即由人将作为价值源头的“天”收入“心”中。所以在“内”而不在“外”。这一文明特色的形成非常复杂,详见我的新书《论天人之际》,这里不再详论。

从某种程度上讲,中国的一些文化观念也有超过西方的,比如希腊认为奴隶制是自然的,坦然接受,直到基督教出来之后才开始被批判。可是我们汉代皇帝便有诏令,强调人不可以卖自己的孩子为奴,也不可以买别人的孩子为奴。“天地之性,人为贵”。不能说中国文化整个都是落后的。过去最大的问题就是认为如果不把中国传统文化都消灭干净的话,就无法现代化。这也是为什么我会批评激进主义。

但是在近几十年以来,在中共的统治下,中国文化中坏的部分都被加强了,好的部分都被丢掉了。这也不是我的偏见。比如过去中国人非常讲人情,做事情要合理也要合情,但中共搞阶级斗争之后,整个局面改变了,人情没有了。人与人互相猜防,三个人在一起就不敢说真话。再比如说官本位,这是中国传统中发展出来的一大弊端,但却在中共统治下达到了登峰造极的地步。今天大陆上一切都是官作主,学术界也是如此。学术领导权完全在“官”手上,真正学者反而不受人尊敬。过去我们提到蔡元培、王国维,在学术上都是令人肃然起敬的,但是现在有这样的人物吗?

这些大学生与康有为领导的举人不同,他们已成为现代知识人了,也就是西方的“intellectuals”。“士”和“知识人”的分化主要发生在1905年科举制的废止。在科举制下,士只要考中举人或进士,便已是权力系统中的一员,可以入仕了。但现代大学毕业生却在权力系统之外。所以1905年可以说是“士”与“知识人”之间的分水岭。

现在中共重视的只是些有工具价值的技术人,比如经济、贸易、和科技方面。具有独立思想和批判精神的人文社会学科方面的知识人,它不但不尊重,反而尽力压抑,这一点只要看看中共的社科院便清楚了。

答:是啊,中国是一个太大的国家,又统一了很久。不像苏联是十多个小国组成,解体后各自还能发展。中国几乎没有亡国之后各地方还能各自发展的余地。这就导致中国转一个身是非常困难的。中国共产党也是在中国转身的长期过程中出现的。但不幸这是一个天大的错误,走上反文明的歧路。这歧路走了几十年,要想转入正途,则非常不易。
china  today  history  communism  intelligentsia 
october 2014 by aries1988
南方周末 - 【清末改革史话之六】福泽谕吉的预言
对照两本《劝学篇》,明显感到张之洞与福泽谕吉完全不在一个精神层面上。张之洞提倡的“宗经”、固守的“三纲五常”和津津乐道的“中体西用”,正是福泽批判的迂腐谬论;而福泽提倡的“平等”、“民权”、“独立”、“自由”、“文明”之论,正是张之洞批判的异端邪说。

清初虽然也实行过闭关政策,但到了17世纪后期,已逐渐开放与外国通商。康熙二十四年(1685)开海禁,设粤海、闽海、浙海、江海四关,比日本早开海禁170年。后来为了便于管理,清朝设立粤海关,把对外贸易限于广州一地。在贸易上,由于中方长期处于顺差,并不曾认真排斥过外商,直到英商对华大量输入鸦片,两国才发生战争。

中国的攘夷派都是立场坚定的民族主义者,他们坚信中华文化优于西洋文明,当国家主权受到侵犯、民族尊严受到羞辱、经济利益受到损害时,便挺身与敌奋战,不惜玉石俱焚。日本的攘夷派更像是机会主义者,攘夷成了一时凝聚人心的口号,一种倒幕的政治策略,大政奉还之后,明治政府的政策立刻发生了180度的转变,执政者完全倒向了开国派,比幕府时期更加开放。

中国攘夷派的精神支柱是儒家思想和根深蒂固的华夷观念,可以战败,可以割地赔款,可以承认技不如人,但绝不承认中华文明劣于西洋文明。日本攘夷派缺少这种精神支柱,汉学也曾是他们的主流思想,但那毕竟是引进的异域文明,不是自己的根,当他们比较了汉学和洋学的实用价值之后,立即抛弃汉学,接受西洋文明。在促使幕府开国和明治维新时期,提倡洋学的知识分子发挥了巨大的推动作用。

他提倡培养国民的“文明的精神”。他认为,一国的文明程度不能从外表来衡量,只要用钱就可以买到、做到的,如学校、工业、陆海军等,都只是文明的外表,还有一种无形的东西,眼见不到,耳听不到,“既不能买卖,又不能借贷,它普遍存在于全国人民之中,作用很强。要是没有这种东西,国家的学校、工业、海陆军等等也就失去效用,真可以称之谓‘文明的精神’,它是一种极其伟大而又重要的东西。这究竟是什么呢?就是人民的独立精神。”(p28)
comparison  china  japan  intelligentsia 
october 2014 by aries1988
风行水上的日记
前一段时间《了不起的盖茨比》上映,我想起自己的书架上有这本书。一翻就翻到了,封面上是一张很艳俗的照片,上面有个男的跟女的接吻。背后有一扇门。译者是巫宁坤,书是看了好几遍。不妨再过一遍。说实话书的内容不是很吸引我,到是巫宁坤写的前言让我看得津津有味。巫说他是一九五一年夏天应北京燕京大学的聘请回来教书的。八月中到校,九月一日开始正式上课。教英语专业四年级两门课。到了十二月“知识分子思想改造动动“就开场了。
巫说西语系是”资产阶级思想的“重灾区,系主任和老教授当着全校师长把自己说得一无是处。巫刚从国外回来,对这里面的行情还不太了解。但是榜样的力量是无穷的,他说:”我虽然想不出自己在回国后短短几个月犯过什么错误,眼看着我平日敬重的前辈样的榜样,知道在劫难逃。轮到我上场那天,我也如法炮制,把自己痛骂一番。无非是家家庭出身不好,长期受资产阶级教育,迷恋西方文学等等“。就在巫以为自己要过关的时候,台下他的一个姓李的学生跳了起来。他举着一本书,这本书就是菲茨杰拉德的《了不起的盖茨比》,义正词严的指责巫:“你从美帝带回这这种下流坏书,腐蚀新中国青年,居心何在?”。巫说他当时吓得倒抽一口凉气,因为他的书架是对院系学生敞开的,谁都可以上他那里里借书看。
这个前言是里巫强嘴说:“我承认我思想落后,但是要我把菲茨杰拉德的杰作扔进垃圾堆,那还办不到呢。”不过,这算作画外音。别人听不到的。后来他被流放到安徽农村,带着这几箱差点要了命的书到乡里。晒书的他翻出这本《了不起的盖茨比》,说它虽经患难,还有一点不服老的神态。巫说他在回国之前曾动员李政道跟他一起回国。李政道说怕回去被“洗脑”,就没有跟他一起上船。他们分手28年以后李政道回国,他们在北京饭店重见。一为座上宾,一为阶下囚。巫宁坤感慨道:“如果在旧金山那个七月的下午是我送他上船回中国,结果会怎样?也许我会坐在他的椅子上,他坐在我的椅子上?哦,不,上帝保佑,即便他当年回来,也万万不会落入我的苦海”。他的这番话,我就是在揣测。为什么李政道回来就不会落入他的下场呢?巫宁坤怎么能这么肯定?是不是因为李政道是理工男,可以在造飞机,原子武器上派上用场。过去不说“学会数理化走遍天下也不怕”,文科男活该遭罪!
巫宁坤的一个狱友最近撰文回忆他。说他先是在兴凯湖农场劳改,后来后被转到清河农场。饿得气息奄奄,这个时候他老婆的哥哥带了食物去看他。他一把抢过来,连他哥中午准备留给自己吃的几块饼也没给他留下。杰克—伦敦写的人被饿到极限以后,对吃的东西贪婪到一种变态的程度。巫宁坤晚年自责道:“我不是人!”。这个时候巫宁坤确实也不是人!他在清河农场过着空全动物性的生活。所以他在北京饭店看到老朋友李政道时,不由自主联想到旧金山那个下午,如果李政道回去会怎么样?有一个诺贝尔物理学奖金获得者崔琦曾说:“如果我没有出来,也许我的父母就不会饿死”。其实真相是他如果不出来,连他一块饿死。从巫宁坤动了回去这个念头,他的苦难就已经开始了。
其实这种事情不好假设。作为个人想想是可以的。李政道为什么不回来,人家看得明白。怕洗脑!所以他永远会是座上宾。还有一个旅法的画家常玉,徐悲鸿写信让他回来参加“新中国建设”,常玉说我喜欢睡懒觉早上起不来,听说你们那里又要开会又要做广播操实在受不了。有一点《与山巨源绝交书》“七不堪”的味道。大陆文革那一年,常玉在巴黎Montparnasse煤气中毒死了。但这个比回到大陆被人打死或者饿死不知道强多少倍,就算常玉是选择自杀也是自家事情。散漫和无上进心救了他,他每天泡在巴黎的小咖啡馆里,熟读《红楼梦》。兴来拿出小提琴拉上一曲,常玉的个人拯救之路,是他的散漫与个人主义。国家民族干我屁事!我只要过得自由由散漫就好了。象常玉那样画裸体画,生活作风又不好的人。在国内顶天能活到1966年,跟在巴黎寿限也差不了多少。煤气中毒要比“营养性死亡”爽得多了。营养性死亡,先是浮肿,腿一捺一个窝子。人什么也不想,就呆坐那里。煤气甜甜的,浑身有一种无力感,象下午时候困得要打肫似的。就这么一睡就睡过去了。
mao  story  intelligentsia  choice  death  china  writer 
october 2013 by aries1988
跳出历史的“周期率”
那么“道统”是什么?从表面上看,好像是以儒家的那一套东西作为中国的道统,实际上中国几千年来从来没有真正实行过儒家的这套东西,儒家的这一套只是用来作为表面文章的。毛泽东很清楚这一点,他写过一句诗叫做“百代都行秦政制”,“秦政制”是什么东西呢?它的核心就是一句话,外儒内法,表皮上可能有一点儒的东西,实际上讲的是法家。所谓“法”不仅是指法家那一套,它一方面是严刑峻法,另一方面这个法就是阴谋诡计,就是权术谋略。而中国人恰恰最喜欢这个东西,作为上层来说,玩政治就是玩阴谋、玩黑箱,底层社会来说,老百姓最喜欢什么,《红楼梦》前面有两句诗,好象是袁子才写的,叫做“人情练达即文章,世事洞明皆学问”。这两句诗就集中概括了中国底层社会的所有学问,这个学问是“人情练达”和“世事洞明”。他们要教一个人成年以后学会什么?就是学会世故,学会圆熟。所谓的世故圆熟,就是要让人把自己装在一个壳子里面,而不是用真面目去见人。实际上跟上层政治里所说的外儒内法是一样的,就是说一套,做一套。

蔡锷和宋教仁,这真是两个阳光一样的人物,他们都是湖南籍的,如果按照他们的思路,按照他们当时的观念来改造中国,或许近代的中国会有很多的转机,可惜历史没有假设,历史就是历史,它是发生过的事,不是我们可以去假设的,所以说地上不能造天国,乌托邦永远是乌托邦,因为历史不是在小房子里虚构出来的,无论多么伟大的人,托马斯·莫尔也好,康帕内拉也好,你的《太阳城》、你的什么《乌托邦》,还有更伟大的人构想出更伟大的社会,那都是一种虚构,哈耶克不相信这些东西,波普尔也不相信这些东西,中国最优秀的知识分子,近代以来,包括胡适到后来的顾准、李慎之在内,也最终都不相信这些东西,因为这是书斋里构想出来的东西,它不符合社会发展的自然规律,只有从地上长出来的东西才是可靠的,你虚构一套想法,再按这个模式到地上去建,这毕竟不像造房子,社会还是有它自身的规律。中国要跳出历史“周期率”,一方面是要寻找跟人性相吻合的一种社会生活方式、文化观念、新的思想,另一方面就是必须把社会从国家的桎梏下解放出来。我们自从近代以来,喊过很多的口号,比如说个性解放,思想解放,这些口号本身都很好,都没有错,但是到目前为止还没有人喊过社会解放的口号。最近有一本书在民间流行,是波兰思想家米奇尼克的《通往公民社会》,崔卫平教授她们翻译过来的,在这本书翻译完成以后,崔卫平经常跟人讲一句话,我们中国过去有个性解放、思想解放,而没有社会解放,米奇尼克的思想当中最重要的或者说核心的东西就是倡导社会解放,社会的自我解放。我前面讲,我们中国自古以来只有一个重心,社会的重心始终在皇权这里,在官家这里,整个社会是臣服于权力之下的,只是一个附属品,没有独立的空间,如果说我们要跳出历史的“周期率”,社会必须有自身的空间,自主的空间,只有这样,社会解放才有可能起步。在这个社会解放的过程当中,新闻自由是一切自由当中先行的自由,是整个人类文明的前提,没有言论自由、新闻自由一切都免谈。

正因为我们曾有过这样一些人,这样一些事,就构成了我们在20世纪前半叶一个相对微弱的舆论空间,在这个舆论空间当中,一个脆弱的民间社会本来是可以形成的,一个独立于朝廷之外的,在皇帝的餐桌之外过自己日子的,按老百姓自己的意愿去追求幸福美好生活的可能性是存在的。也就是说,从这条路走下来,我们跳出历史“周期率”的进程会大大加快,我们在唯一的权力重心之外,另建一个新的社会重心这个可能性是存在的。换言之,社会跟国家分离,这个可能性是存在的。如果没有这样的可能性,我们将永远走不出以暴易暴的循环,走不出成王败寇的旧框框。
http://www.instapaper.com/read/346028144
zeitgeist  history  journalism  china  story  future  debate  mao  intelligentsia 
november 2012 by aries1988

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