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aries1988 : mao   48

A history of China in 8m objects - Chaguan

the Cultural Revolution, the decade after 1966 when Mao Zedong unleashed terror on his own country, pitting neighbour against neighbour, students against teachers, children against parents and Red Guard mobs against officials whom Mao despised. More than a million lives were lost, and many more ruined. Centuries-old temples and libraries were smashed to so much rubble and firewood.

Other exhibits recall hardships. One museum in Anren is devoted to the nearly 18m urban youngsters who were banished to the countryside for years of ploughing, hauling manure and digging ditches instead of being educated.

Drawing the wrong lessons about the past can prompt charges of “historical nihilism”, an offence that sees museums punished and careers blighted.
history  today  museum  entrepreneurial  project  sichuan  artefact  mao 
december 2018 by aries1988
徐賁:「強制說服」下的羊群變異──五七幹校與中國知識分子|深度|探索學院|端傳媒 Initium Media
思想改造是一種 「強制說服」(coercive persuasion),在各國普遍存在於一些強制社會化程序中(如罪犯改造、戒毒、反邪教、心理治療等)。而在中國語境裏,強制說服則是一種意識形態主導的大規模思想改造,其涉及面之廣、強制手段之發達是其他國家難以相比的。

「認知失調」。它指的是人在接觸到一些有違原先信念或價值的事情之後所出現的衝突狀態。這種衝突會引起不適和焦慮,而當事人則會採取化解措施。許多知識分子在被改造時,會在自己的獨立人格理想與被迫的無條件服從之間感受到一種惱人的矛盾衝突。倘若放棄獨立人格,許多人會為此感到羞愧。為了平息內心的羞愧,他們需要為自己的放棄找到合理解釋,勸藉自己稱這是一個正確選擇。自己選擇放棄獨立人格不是因為懦弱和害怕,而是因為有了新的「覺悟」,是一種思想「進步」。這種調適開始是一種自我欺騙,但最後會弄假成真,「轉變」便是弄假成真的結果。

再也不可能恢復到1949年以前的狀態了,他們已經固定而持久地變成了一個具有中國特色的新品種——狡黠、精明、犬儒、善於偽裝。半個多世紀以來中國知識人的人格破損、自尊心坍塌、道德意識崩潰,已經在新環境下適者生存需要的過程中演化出新的「文化人」基因。

德熱拉斯(M. Djilas)在著名的《新階級》一書裏指出,無論為意識形態的思想改造投入多少人力物力,「這一切手段所收穫的效果並不大。在任何情況下,效果與所花費的力量及方法都不相稱」,它之所以還在繼續,不是因為它真能改變人們的思想和信念,而是因為它能「使一切與官方不同的意識都不可能表現出來」。
opinion  history  china  mao  intelligentsia  mind  education 
june 2018 by aries1988
Who Killed More: Hitler, Stalin, or Mao? | by Ian Johnson | NYR Daily | The New York Review of Books

Their most prominent spokesperson is Sun Jingxian, a mathematician at Shandong University and Jiangsu Normal University. He attributes changes in China’s population during this period as due to faulty statistics, changes in how households were registered, and a series of other obfuscatory factors. His conclusion: famine killed only 3.66 million people. This contradicts almost every other serious effort at accounting for the effects of Mao’s changes.

According to Chang, Mao was responsible for 70 million deaths in peacetime—more than any other twentieth-century leader.

The peacetime adjective is significant because it gets Hitler out of the picture. But is starting a war of aggression less of a crime than launching economic policies that cause a famine?

How, finally, does Mao’s record compare to those of Hitler or Stalin? Snyder estimates that Hitler was responsible for between 11 million and 12 million noncombatant deaths, while Stalin was responsible for at least 6 million, and as many as 9 million if foreseeable deaths caused by deportation, starvation, and incarceration in concentration camps are included.

If one includes the combatant deaths, and the deaths due to war-related famine and disease, the numbers shoot up astronomically. The Soviet Union suffered upward of 8 million combatant deaths and many more due to famine and disease—perhaps about 20 million.

As for Hitler, should his deaths include the hundreds of thousands who died in the aerial bombardments of Germans cities? After all, it was his decision to strip German cities of anti-aircraft batteries to replace lost artillery following the debacle at Stalingrad.

Mao didn’t order people to their deaths in the same way that Hitler did, so it’s fair to say that Mao’s famine deaths were not genocide—in contrast, arguably, to Stalin’s Holodomor in the Ukraine, the terror-famine described by journalist and historian Anne Applebaum in Red Famine (2017). One can argue that by closing down discussion in 1959, Mao sealed the fate of tens of millions, but almost every legal system in the world recognizes the difference between murder in the first degree and manslaughter or negligence. Shouldn’t the same standards apply to dictators?

By contrast, Mao himself and his successors have always realized that he was both China’s Lenin and its Stalin.

In Xi’s way of looking at China, the country had roughly thirty years of Maoism and thirty years of Deng Xiaoping’s economic liberalization and rapid growth. Xi has warned that neither era can negate the other; they are inseparable.
comparison  dictator  leader  china  soviet  nazi  history  today  death  disaster  famine  numbers  research  narrative  mao  debate  ethic 
february 2018 by aries1988
嚴薔:削減文革的教材,卻為何擴充了改革開放?|端傳媒 Initium Media
我們可以注意到這樣一件耐人尋味的事:在流出的新教科書目錄中,與「縮減文革」相對應的,是原先的「改革開放」一課被擴展成了兩課——「經濟體制改革」和「對外開放」。為什麼在「弱化」文革教學的同時,改革開放篇幅又雙倍擴展?這不是自相矛盾嗎?
mao 
january 2018 by aries1988
The Thoughts of Chairman Xi - BBC News
“Tell China’s story well,” he urges people with Chinese roots, wherever they are in the world. He insists that they should “identify with China’s interests” whether or not they are Chinese nationals.

Beijing’s embassies encourage the growing Chinese student bodies on campuses in the West to silence competing narratives.

Under Xi Jinping, dwelling on inconvenient facts of history or insulting revolutionary heroes and martyrs is now a punishable offence called “historical nihilism”.

He wants his citizens to identify with “the motherland, the Chinese nation or race, Chinese culture, and the Chinese socialist road”. He calls these the “four identifications” and has distilled them into two key slogans - the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the Chinese dream.

Richard Nixon had argued: “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside the family of nations, there to nurture its fantasies, cherish its hates and threaten its neighbours.”

When the door to the West inched open a decade later, some princelings of Xi’s generation took the opportunity to leave.
portrait  mao  2017  china  politics  leader  photo  story 
october 2017 by aries1988
Rocket Man Knows Better - The New York Times
It is a criminal enterprise focused on long-term survival, far more adept at enslaving its people than fighting big-boy wars.

Sadly, the United States has largely forgotten the lessons of the Korean War, even though that conflict cost the lives of more than 33,000 American combatants. The causes of this collective amnesia are varied: The Korean War ended in an inglorious tie that was impossible to celebrate. It produced no Greatest Generation myths and few memorable movies. Then came Vietnam — the first war to be truly televised, a war that is still being parsed on public television. Vietnam seared itself into our literary and cinematic culture, blotting out Korea, the Forgotten War.

After a halting and discouraging start that cost the lives of thousands of G.I.s, the American war machine became a murderous, unstoppable force. Using bombs and napalm, the United States Air Force blew up and burned down virtually every population center in North Korea. Gen. Curtis LeMay, head of the Strategic Air Command during the Korean War, estimated that “over a period of three years or so, we killed off — what — 20 percent of the population.” That’s about 1.9 million people.

Vast numbers of Chinese troops died to save North Korea from Kim’s bloody mistake; they kept his regime from becoming a footnote in Asian history.
history  korea  war  1950s  mao  usa  2017 
september 2017 by aries1988
梁文道:殺無赦(上)

極權政治的最大特點之一,就是徹底改變了人類文明自古以來的種種基本道德信條,例如將「不可殺人」變成「你應該殺人」。

他們掌控的機器全都非常成功,殺人無算,而且殺得理直氣壯,冠冕堂皇。他們之所以幹得如此出色,是因為那道以界定神聖政治目標為起點程序,被精心構造成了一套雖然經不起理性考驗,但卻非常誘人,在情感上極具號召力的意識型態。

當所有奠基社會的德目一一受到質疑、衝擊、否定、和改造之後,終於,那最不可突破的最後底線也就坍塌下來了。為什麼文革時期,就連一些還在襁褓之中的嬰孩都會遭到毒手呢?那是因為他們的父母身為政治敵人,其實已經不算是人了,殺了都不能叫殺。由於這些嬰兒非人所生,所以殺害他們也就沒有道德負擔了。這不是傳統意義上的殺人,而是明智的,合理的,剷草除根的,防患於未來。
china  ethic  killing  crime  ideology  mao  revolution  communism 
september 2017 by aries1988
1957年,毛泽东对留苏学生的演讲--中国共产党新闻--中国共产党新闻网
  毛主席讲话带有浓重的湖南口音,大部分同学没有听明白。他见同学们露出困惑的神情,便解释到:“世界就是world。”但是那时留苏学生大多数没有学过英语,仍然听不懂。毛主席便转头问刘晓:“世界用俄文怎么说?”刘晓回答:“是米尔。”

  “世界的风向变了。去年气候不大好,今年气候很好。现在世界正在大变,不是西风压倒东风,就是东风压倒西风。你们读过《红楼梦》没有?这句话是林黛玉说的(笑声)。我们说西风压不倒东风,东风一定压倒西风!(再次热烈地鼓掌)苏联人造地球卫星上了天,重量七十公斤。刘晓大使体重有没有七十公斤?”刘晓回答:“不到,差一点儿。”毛主席风趣地说道:“就是说,苏联可以把刘晓大使送上天。美国还做不到嘛!”台下的同学们开怀大笑。
mao  quotes 
august 2017 by aries1988
How Class in China Became Politically Incorrect - BLARB
Research by the University of Sydney’s David Goodman has found that around 84% of today’s elite are direct descendants of the elite from pre-1949. This suggests that six decades of Communism may not have a dramatic impact upon the elites, who have the advantage of decades of capital accumulation — including economic, cultural and social capital — which have apparently continued to benefit them under the party-state system.
class  china  mao  today  comparison  history 
august 2017 by aries1988
The Killing Wind by Tan Hecheng — anatomy of a massacre
By contrast, Tan’s investigation rarely mentions Red Guards or the destruction of the “Four Olds” (old customs, habits, culture and thinking) that wiped out so much of Chinese culture. In his reading, the Daoxian killings cannot be understood solely as a consequence of the fervour of the Cultural Revolution; rather, they were the culmination of a much longer sequence of events, with origins in the violent early years of Maoist rule.

After the Communist party came to power in 1949, it instigated the deaths of about 1m “landlords”, the majority of them small farmers with a few hired hands. Their families became a caste of outcasts.
book  hunan  mao 
february 2017 by aries1988
Sometimes the People Need to Call the Experts

The government about to take over in Washington has more billionaires than the Boston of Buckley’s time, but it seems willing to test the theory that academics can be dispensed with for the most part.

experts. They understand the importance of applying expertise to complex problems, and they realize many issues do not respond well to common-sense fixes. The citizenry usually cannot make good decisions, or for that matter expert appointments, when technocracy is required.

Very few citizens understand such basic concepts as how inflation rates are calculated, the differences between real and nominal rates of interest, or how the shadow banking system is supposed to work, much less tripartite repurchase agreements or the Basel capital standards. The complexities increase every year, and it is no accident that the last two Fed chairs have been drawn from the highest ranks of academic economists.

each stands a chance of being right in some particular circumstances, and the populist approach doesn’t have any way to differentiate. For that you have to call in someone who specializes in monetary economics, a field with many counterintuitive conclusions.

There is a time and place for populist sentiment, but an excess can be counterproductive on its own terms. As expertise is pushed out the door, the citizenry itself gets a bad name, precisely when we most need it to step up to the plate and demand some excellence.
intelligentsia  mao  government  usa  public  opinion  expert  choice  populism  instapaper_favs 
january 2017 by aries1988
梁文道:港獨,全部都係港獨(為什麼「梁振英路線」不是對付港獨的妙方之四)

毛澤東就曾說過:「上海是一個六百萬人口的大城市,按照上海已捕二萬餘人僅殺兩百餘人的情況,我認為1951年內至少應當殺掉三千人左右。而在上半年至少應殺掉一千五百人左右。南京是國民黨的首都,應殺的反動份子似不止二百多人,應在南京多殺……」。不只如此,毛澤東還按各地上報的情況,做了一個「按人口千分之一的比例,先殺此數的一半,看情形再作決定」的建議。

最後,「鎮反」一共殺了七十一萬兩千多人,佔當時全國人口的千分之一點四二,終於超過毛澤東原先估算出來的比例。
mao  hongkong 
january 2017 by aries1988
为什么会有《十万个为什么》|大象公会
真正有《十万个为什么》色彩的“问答体”书面作品,是 16 世纪宗教改革运动以来的基督教要理(Catechism),即用来教导学生学习基本教义和圣礼的纲要性文件。1529 年,马丁·路德发表《大要理》和《小要理》,前者是针对牧师、教师和成人信众的教学手册,后者则面向被他们教导的群众,用问答形式宣传教义。

▍受国内学界时况影响,“工农兵版”《十万》收录了问题“为什么说‘宇宙膨胀’论是错误的”,正文首句即下结论称宇宙膨胀论是“唯心论和形而上学宇宙观的一个代表”,并批评了六十年代以来在国际学界颇具影响力的“大爆炸理论”
history  china  book  children  encyclopedia  kid  1960s  mao  chinese  science  education  moi 
october 2016 by aries1988
The Cultural Revolution: A People’s History 1962-1976 by Frank Dikötter – review
Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution also had a darker side. It was necessary to destroy the bourgeois past, and this involved the wholesale looting of shrines, the destruction of books and parchment, the smashing of ornaments and the pillaging of homes belonging to the wealthy.
mao  1960s  china  disaster  culture  book 
may 2016 by aries1988
Meet the American Who Joined Mao’s Revolution — War Is Boring
But after the outbreak of World War II, he was drafted into the Army and sent to Stanford's Army Far Eastern Language and Area School to learn Japanese. When he arrived, he chose to learn Chinese instead  —  believing that learning Japanese would mean serving in the lengthy post-war occupation.

He wanted to return to the United States  —  and his labor activism  —  as soon as he possibly could. He thought China would be a nice short adventure. He wouldn't return to America for more than three decades.

More importantly, Mao had a knack for making everyone around him feel like they brought something important to the table. "He was one of the best listeners I've ever met," Rittenberg adds.

Rittenberg believes that American officials' perception of communism as monolithic led to major miscalculations throughout the Cold War. The United States had a golden opportunity to exploit the factionalization of communist governments and movements  —  and failed to take it.

Instead, the Americans' refusal to negotiate sent the Chinese communists down the path of not just closer ties with Stalin's Russia, but toward Stalinist ideas and governance. "History could have been very, very different."

"I had been a true Leninist," he says, which meant he believed that to establish a perfect democracy one had to first create a perfect dictatorship. But his years in China led him to believe that dictatorship only leads to dictatorship, and that Mao's ascendance to power is more than enough evidence for it.
story  mao  american  communism  gaijin 
august 2015 by aries1988
Les mille et une vies du Grand Timonier
Si Mao Zedong est aujourd'hui considéré comme l'une des plus grandes figures historiques du XXe siècle, et si son nom est universellement connu, même d'un public qui ne sait à peu près rien de la Chine, c'est, en effet, essentiellement à deux choses qu'il le doit : sa victoire sur Tchang Kaï-chek et la démesure des bouleversements qu'il imposa ensuite au peuple chinois.
book  mao 
december 2014 by aries1988
南方周末 - 大街上全是群众演员 法国摄影师街拍中国1970年代
当时的中国人,哪一个没有受到“文革”的冲击呢?就算他本人没有受到影响,他总有一两个家人是受到影响的。这一点我自己是深有体会的,因为我是经历过二战的,战争开始的时候我7岁,战争结束我12岁,整场战争期间我几乎没有见过我的母亲。1944年7月的某一天,我在学校的花园里听到有人叫我的名字:“于格,你好吗?”我回头看见一位中年妇女,我回答:“您好,女士。” 她对我说:“你不认得我了?我是妈妈。”虽然“文革”不是一场战争,但是人们的恐惧、与亲朋好友分别的滋味,我都能感觉到。

我从来都不是共产主义者,但是我对那会儿中国的领导人是充满敬意的,就像我对戴高乐的敬仰之情。我不是说自己对他们的政治观点有多认同,而是从人格魅力的角度对他们表示敬佩。长征不是一般人能够组织的,要管理一个有十亿人口的国家是不容易的。能亲眼见到周恩来、邓小平,能拍下他们,我是非常荣幸的。他们都有各自的问题,也犯下过错,但是不得不承认,他们都是非凡之人,有魄力,有魅力。我在法国驻华使馆见到周恩来,我试图捕捉他的目光。他注视我的目光和当年艾迪特·皮雅芙的目光是一样的。周恩来去世的时候,我很难过。

毛泽东本人我没见过,不过他的确犯下了一个错误,我觉得中国人以后是要为此付出代价的。他不应该清除中国人所有的信仰。现在年青一代的中国人大都崇尚物质生活,如果一直这样下去,他们总有一天会一头撞到墙上。俄罗斯人不一样,他们是有宗教的,美国人再资本主义也还是有信仰的。我倒不是说中国人应该信奉宗教,但是什么信仰都没有是不行的。

我一辈子拍了无数人像,有两点经验是最重要的,一个是光线,一个就是眼神。2004年,教宗保罗二世去世前六个月,我专门去了一趟鲁尔德(Lourdes),就为拍老教宗。但是我不想拍一个衰老、垂死的教宗,我要的是一个活生生的教宗。很多摄影师拍照的习惯是不停地按快门,然后从一大堆照片里精挑细选出几张像样的。我不一样,我半分钟里只拍了四张教宗的照片,但是我拍到了教宗注视我的瞬间,我要的是拍摄者与被拍者之间互动的效果。
français  photography  story  china  mao  history 
november 2014 by aries1988
北京餐馆借毛泽东时代怀旧风吸引食客_中国实时报_华尔街日报_wsj.com
对于那些怀念毛泽东时代的人来说,北京的一家新餐馆能够满足他们的怀旧情绪。本月,这家名为“粗粮人家”的餐馆以一种不同寻常的营销宣传欢迎食客。
mao  restaurant  today  beijing 
september 2014 by aries1988
Nixon in China (The Film)
尼克松总统图书馆的官方纪录片《尼克松在中国》,17分20秒后为第四日抵达中国后的访问录影,在北京、杭州、上海等地参观,包括周恩来全程接待的罕见日常影像记录。译员唐闻生的英文真不错。。。 http://t.co/3oeiE4c9rY
video  china  usa  history  documentary  mao 
september 2014 by aries1988
徘徊的幽灵 - 评论 - FT中文网
中共政治家族的“红二代”们,往往既是毛时代政治迫害的受害者,又是毛所创体制的受益者。身为革命党人的后代,执政后最担心的就是“革命”和“共产”。他们对教主怀有复杂的感情,既担心否定毛会使政权失去合法性,又担心毛派壮大对体制造成威胁。他们希望借鉴毛式铁腕和语境挽救政权危机:利用民粹主义增进政权向心力,利用国家主义转移国内矛盾,利用反腐败名义整肃异己派系,集中权力一统江山。
mao  from:rss 
december 2013 by aries1988
风行水上的日记
前一段时间《了不起的盖茨比》上映,我想起自己的书架上有这本书。一翻就翻到了,封面上是一张很艳俗的照片,上面有个男的跟女的接吻。背后有一扇门。译者是巫宁坤,书是看了好几遍。不妨再过一遍。说实话书的内容不是很吸引我,到是巫宁坤写的前言让我看得津津有味。巫说他是一九五一年夏天应北京燕京大学的聘请回来教书的。八月中到校,九月一日开始正式上课。教英语专业四年级两门课。到了十二月“知识分子思想改造动动“就开场了。
巫说西语系是”资产阶级思想的“重灾区,系主任和老教授当着全校师长把自己说得一无是处。巫刚从国外回来,对这里面的行情还不太了解。但是榜样的力量是无穷的,他说:”我虽然想不出自己在回国后短短几个月犯过什么错误,眼看着我平日敬重的前辈样的榜样,知道在劫难逃。轮到我上场那天,我也如法炮制,把自己痛骂一番。无非是家家庭出身不好,长期受资产阶级教育,迷恋西方文学等等“。就在巫以为自己要过关的时候,台下他的一个姓李的学生跳了起来。他举着一本书,这本书就是菲茨杰拉德的《了不起的盖茨比》,义正词严的指责巫:“你从美帝带回这这种下流坏书,腐蚀新中国青年,居心何在?”。巫说他当时吓得倒抽一口凉气,因为他的书架是对院系学生敞开的,谁都可以上他那里里借书看。
这个前言是里巫强嘴说:“我承认我思想落后,但是要我把菲茨杰拉德的杰作扔进垃圾堆,那还办不到呢。”不过,这算作画外音。别人听不到的。后来他被流放到安徽农村,带着这几箱差点要了命的书到乡里。晒书的他翻出这本《了不起的盖茨比》,说它虽经患难,还有一点不服老的神态。巫说他在回国之前曾动员李政道跟他一起回国。李政道说怕回去被“洗脑”,就没有跟他一起上船。他们分手28年以后李政道回国,他们在北京饭店重见。一为座上宾,一为阶下囚。巫宁坤感慨道:“如果在旧金山那个七月的下午是我送他上船回中国,结果会怎样?也许我会坐在他的椅子上,他坐在我的椅子上?哦,不,上帝保佑,即便他当年回来,也万万不会落入我的苦海”。他的这番话,我就是在揣测。为什么李政道回来就不会落入他的下场呢?巫宁坤怎么能这么肯定?是不是因为李政道是理工男,可以在造飞机,原子武器上派上用场。过去不说“学会数理化走遍天下也不怕”,文科男活该遭罪!
巫宁坤的一个狱友最近撰文回忆他。说他先是在兴凯湖农场劳改,后来后被转到清河农场。饿得气息奄奄,这个时候他老婆的哥哥带了食物去看他。他一把抢过来,连他哥中午准备留给自己吃的几块饼也没给他留下。杰克—伦敦写的人被饿到极限以后,对吃的东西贪婪到一种变态的程度。巫宁坤晚年自责道:“我不是人!”。这个时候巫宁坤确实也不是人!他在清河农场过着空全动物性的生活。所以他在北京饭店看到老朋友李政道时,不由自主联想到旧金山那个下午,如果李政道回去会怎么样?有一个诺贝尔物理学奖金获得者崔琦曾说:“如果我没有出来,也许我的父母就不会饿死”。其实真相是他如果不出来,连他一块饿死。从巫宁坤动了回去这个念头,他的苦难就已经开始了。
其实这种事情不好假设。作为个人想想是可以的。李政道为什么不回来,人家看得明白。怕洗脑!所以他永远会是座上宾。还有一个旅法的画家常玉,徐悲鸿写信让他回来参加“新中国建设”,常玉说我喜欢睡懒觉早上起不来,听说你们那里又要开会又要做广播操实在受不了。有一点《与山巨源绝交书》“七不堪”的味道。大陆文革那一年,常玉在巴黎Montparnasse煤气中毒死了。但这个比回到大陆被人打死或者饿死不知道强多少倍,就算常玉是选择自杀也是自家事情。散漫和无上进心救了他,他每天泡在巴黎的小咖啡馆里,熟读《红楼梦》。兴来拿出小提琴拉上一曲,常玉的个人拯救之路,是他的散漫与个人主义。国家民族干我屁事!我只要过得自由由散漫就好了。象常玉那样画裸体画,生活作风又不好的人。在国内顶天能活到1966年,跟在巴黎寿限也差不了多少。煤气中毒要比“营养性死亡”爽得多了。营养性死亡,先是浮肿,腿一捺一个窝子。人什么也不想,就呆坐那里。煤气甜甜的,浑身有一种无力感,象下午时候困得要打肫似的。就这么一睡就睡过去了。
mao  story  intelligentsia  choice  death  china  writer 
october 2013 by aries1988
那些事不是是个人就能干的(七)--俞天任(冰冷雨天)的博客--凤凰网博客
再举一个例子,这些天闹得不可开交的叙利亚。老阿萨德在世的时候没人犯上作乱,因为大家都默认了老阿萨德,而小阿萨德一来就不同了,大家都认为你他妈算老几。实际上小阿萨德比老阿萨德要规矩得多,侵犯人权的程度比老阿萨德也要少得多,但大家就是不认小阿萨德的账,非要打他,就因为他说不清楚他是哪儿来的,叙利亚不是世袭王朝啊。
中国有句似是而非的话叫做“哪里有压迫哪里就有反抗”,实际上那是先帝爷当年拿出来骗人而现在毛左们又拿来自欺欺人的鬼话,实际上根本就没有那回事。这个世界的现实是“哪里有压迫哪里就没有反抗”!不信你看现在的北韩有反抗吗?根本没有。有反抗的地方都是不怎么压迫的地方。过去先帝爷时代饿死了那么多人有反抗吗?没有,现在呢?城管打了人就有人敢打回去,还有能把城管打得跪在地上求饶的。从先帝爷时代活过来的人就知道现在真的不怎么太压迫,像老冰这号放在先帝爷时代能枪毙个十七八回,可是现在呢?不照样经常背着手大踏步走来走去,什么麻烦事都没有。
就是说要想不搞宪政,就必须加大压迫力度,弄得像北韩那样才行,但能办到吗?加大压迫力度就没有了经济活力,除了傻逼毛左之外,不管官民左右在搞经济上是有共识的,无非是怎么搞,但是加大压迫力度就是不搞经济,但那是绝不可能的。
那就只能搞宠物狗式的不伦不类的压迫,球事不顶,就像现在一样。股市下跌,你说不救市没用,人家一定要你救,你说搞宪政是邪路,人家就是天天喊宪政,怎么办?所以唯一的出路就只有放开来大家一起讨论,遇事商量着办,立出规矩来而且自己也遵守那些规矩。因为你不这么样人家就会反抗,而你又压迫不成,那怎么办?就是这么一个极为简单的道理,这叫“大势所趋”。
mao  opinion  politics 
july 2013 by aries1988
那些事不是是个人就能干的(六)--俞天任(冰冷雨天)的博客--凤凰网博客
打反右经四清最后到文革,先帝爷这一连串打击知识分子的反智行动的结果就是起码在1977年恢复高考之后,至少延续到九十年代中期,大凡算得清一加一等于二的人就去考理工科了,这句话的意思就是当年考文科的那帮就基本上已经是淘汰下来的连一加一都算不清楚的了。而现在国内文科科系掌门的中核人物就是这批人,所以指望他们是成不了事的,底子实在太差,就连老冰这号业余玩票的都敢看不起他们。
mao 
july 2013 by aries1988
老外眼中的雷锋—在线播放—优酷网,视频高清在线观看
雷锋曾是中国家喻户晓的“全心全意为人民服务”的楷模,如今,却充满争议和质疑。俄罗斯“第1频道”记者以独特的眼光为你解读。
video  mao  propaganda 
march 2013 by aries1988
China: Millennial madness | The Economist
Only as China opened up in the 1980s did Mr Yang start to question what he had been told. The killing of demonstrators in Beijing in 1989 was a rude awakening. “The blood of those young students cleansed my brain of all the lies I had accepted over the previous decades.” And so he set out to shake off the deception and shake up the system that he had spent his life supporting. And so he set out to shake off the deception and shake up the system that he had spent his life supporting.

“Tombstone” is meticulous in its research and exhaustive in the detail it accumulates for the reader: of villages strewn with corpses, of widespread cannibalism, and of the violence that exploded as one man’s millennial vision was unleashed. It also stands as a warning to modern supporters of the one-party state, who praise the ability of an autocracy to get things done. Even if today’s policies are less harsh, Mr Yang shows, the possibility of unchecked brutality is ever present. Nowadays the Communist Party is not causing widespread famine. But the same kiss-up, kick-down hierarchy persists, where every official is slave to his immediate superior and a dictator to his subordinates. Targets of the one-child policy, for instance, must be met, regardless of the human toll and future danger. Conversely, the truth about big problems around the country, such as the environment or corruption or food safety, must be covered up.
mao  cpp 
november 2012 by aries1988
跳出历史的“周期率”
那么“道统”是什么?从表面上看,好像是以儒家的那一套东西作为中国的道统,实际上中国几千年来从来没有真正实行过儒家的这套东西,儒家的这一套只是用来作为表面文章的。毛泽东很清楚这一点,他写过一句诗叫做“百代都行秦政制”,“秦政制”是什么东西呢?它的核心就是一句话,外儒内法,表皮上可能有一点儒的东西,实际上讲的是法家。所谓“法”不仅是指法家那一套,它一方面是严刑峻法,另一方面这个法就是阴谋诡计,就是权术谋略。而中国人恰恰最喜欢这个东西,作为上层来说,玩政治就是玩阴谋、玩黑箱,底层社会来说,老百姓最喜欢什么,《红楼梦》前面有两句诗,好象是袁子才写的,叫做“人情练达即文章,世事洞明皆学问”。这两句诗就集中概括了中国底层社会的所有学问,这个学问是“人情练达”和“世事洞明”。他们要教一个人成年以后学会什么?就是学会世故,学会圆熟。所谓的世故圆熟,就是要让人把自己装在一个壳子里面,而不是用真面目去见人。实际上跟上层政治里所说的外儒内法是一样的,就是说一套,做一套。

蔡锷和宋教仁,这真是两个阳光一样的人物,他们都是湖南籍的,如果按照他们的思路,按照他们当时的观念来改造中国,或许近代的中国会有很多的转机,可惜历史没有假设,历史就是历史,它是发生过的事,不是我们可以去假设的,所以说地上不能造天国,乌托邦永远是乌托邦,因为历史不是在小房子里虚构出来的,无论多么伟大的人,托马斯·莫尔也好,康帕内拉也好,你的《太阳城》、你的什么《乌托邦》,还有更伟大的人构想出更伟大的社会,那都是一种虚构,哈耶克不相信这些东西,波普尔也不相信这些东西,中国最优秀的知识分子,近代以来,包括胡适到后来的顾准、李慎之在内,也最终都不相信这些东西,因为这是书斋里构想出来的东西,它不符合社会发展的自然规律,只有从地上长出来的东西才是可靠的,你虚构一套想法,再按这个模式到地上去建,这毕竟不像造房子,社会还是有它自身的规律。中国要跳出历史“周期率”,一方面是要寻找跟人性相吻合的一种社会生活方式、文化观念、新的思想,另一方面就是必须把社会从国家的桎梏下解放出来。我们自从近代以来,喊过很多的口号,比如说个性解放,思想解放,这些口号本身都很好,都没有错,但是到目前为止还没有人喊过社会解放的口号。最近有一本书在民间流行,是波兰思想家米奇尼克的《通往公民社会》,崔卫平教授她们翻译过来的,在这本书翻译完成以后,崔卫平经常跟人讲一句话,我们中国过去有个性解放、思想解放,而没有社会解放,米奇尼克的思想当中最重要的或者说核心的东西就是倡导社会解放,社会的自我解放。我前面讲,我们中国自古以来只有一个重心,社会的重心始终在皇权这里,在官家这里,整个社会是臣服于权力之下的,只是一个附属品,没有独立的空间,如果说我们要跳出历史的“周期率”,社会必须有自身的空间,自主的空间,只有这样,社会解放才有可能起步。在这个社会解放的过程当中,新闻自由是一切自由当中先行的自由,是整个人类文明的前提,没有言论自由、新闻自由一切都免谈。

正因为我们曾有过这样一些人,这样一些事,就构成了我们在20世纪前半叶一个相对微弱的舆论空间,在这个舆论空间当中,一个脆弱的民间社会本来是可以形成的,一个独立于朝廷之外的,在皇帝的餐桌之外过自己日子的,按老百姓自己的意愿去追求幸福美好生活的可能性是存在的。也就是说,从这条路走下来,我们跳出历史“周期率”的进程会大大加快,我们在唯一的权力重心之外,另建一个新的社会重心这个可能性是存在的。换言之,社会跟国家分离,这个可能性是存在的。如果没有这样的可能性,我们将永远走不出以暴易暴的循环,走不出成王败寇的旧框框。
http://www.instapaper.com/read/346028144
zeitgeist  history  journalism  china  story  future  debate  mao  intelligentsia 
november 2012 by aries1988
南风窗网 - 中华文化复兴? - 2009年26期
  中国人社会的结构,本来一向稳定和谐,有一个地主阶级,地主养了一批士大夫,本有一套自足的文化生态,承传千百年,直到民初,西潮东渐。只要不拆房子,不斗地主,文化就不会沦亡,徐志摩从剑桥回来,游杭州六和塔,逛常州承天寺,灵感贯达中西,思绪澈通幽冥,胡适、蒋梦麟、梁启超,都是博达古今中外的通人,王世襄成为传统文化的守墓人。   我国的建筑,是大家庭之所系,中国的富贵家庭,又是精致文化之所依。把中华文化的大家庭和旧建筑载体毁灭殆尽,就等同把水抽干,把缸砸毁,锦鲤金鱼,何能生存?加上中华精致文化,戏曲书画,围棋对联,像广东人的汤水,都要慢工细活。今日国人的下一代,经麦当劳的快餐脱胎,手机短信的高科技洗脑,生活的节奏早已由美国人来重新定义。只嫌自己的传统文化沉闷,只觉美国的文化爽快,即使电影《2012》再给中国人脸上贴金,中华文化有什么前途?
http://www.instapaper.com/read/335277785
mao  society  china  tradition  culture  future 
november 2012 by aries1988
麦克法考尔:毛泽东的遗产
但是赫鲁晓夫和邓小平有很大的不同,赫鲁晓夫运气好,他还可以依赖列宁。斯大林的坟墓最终被挖,但列宁的墓到今天一直存在。如果你拿掉毛泽东,有谁可以代替呢?没有人。如果有天共产党说我们要拿掉毛泽东的像,说我们不再坚持毛泽东思想了,我认为那将是共产党开始消亡的一天。
instapaper_favs  mao  legacy  china  taiwan  communism 
september 2012 by aries1988
海外华人保钓精英归国记
我准备了要做学术报告,但也想,有没有地方可以跟我的学术契合呢。我太太是做图书馆自动化的,打听了下,所有的亲戚朋友都说,还太早了,基本上没上轨道呢。图书馆都还没有呢,还自动化?图书馆在“文革”期间都打得稀巴烂。
chinese  story  mao 
september 2012 by aries1988
中国周刊:中南海旧事 » 新闻理想档案馆
2011年11月17日,一场小雨让深秋北京笼罩在薄薄的水雾里,这让府右街边红墙的颜色变得更加深沉。 墙的那一边,便是中南海,中共中央、国务院所在地,全国的政治枢纽。透过一座有士兵守卫的大门,目力所及,能看到的只有延伸至远处的行道树。
mao  googlereader  beijing  history 
september 2012 by aries1988
血色记忆
重庆沙坪坝红卫兵“文革墓园”,席庆生的母亲黄培英的墓就在这里面。
china  mao  story 
august 2012 by aries1988
李政道用一支铅笔启发了毛泽东-翟华博客-我的搜狐
对于由‘文化大革命’引起的大混乱而言,这次会面只带来一点点‘有序’。尽管如此,或许它以一种很有限的方式表示,在人所固有的在自然界寻求对称的渴望与他对社会的要求之间存在一种关联,二者同样是有意义的,而且也是均衡的。 ”
story  scientist  mao  chinese  pencil 
july 2012 by aries1988

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