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aries1988 : narrative   14

大陆媒体如何报道香港反修例运动?|逃犯条例|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
“赵皓阳这篇文章的‘爽点’就在于他打中了大陆的优越感,以前说香港年轻人愚蠢肤浅只会搞事情等,都是比较模糊的论述,但赵为他们提供了一个准确的大陆青年精致利己主义者的视角,且带有叙事性,”陈奕明进一步解释到,“以前可能是‘你瞧不起我’,现在会有一个对香港青年反过来的感觉。”

“中国最担心的是香港的事态影响到中国,所以一个是隔离,一个是消解掉意义感、砸烂你的光环。就算信息传进来了,也要国人相信这件事是假的,是没有道德和价值光环的,以前说你搞独立,现在就说是暴力,把港人追求民主自由说成一个借口。”张洁平说。

这套做法目前看来非常成功。不少理解香港反修例运动的港漂都感到,想要和墙内的亲友解释香港发生的一切已变得非常困难。“他们已经通过被污染的信息得出了对这个事情的判断,所以当他们出现在讨论的场域时,已经不是问你发生了什么,而是要来跟你强调他的判断,以及发表他的情绪和意见。”陈奕明说。
narrative  2019  ccp  propaganda  war  hongkong  control  media 
10 days ago by aries1988
Gauls, gilets jaunes and the fight for French identity

# the roman national
The British used to read Our Island Story — the hoary best-seller whose chronicling of stirring events and great men and women from Albion to Queen Victoria introduced generations of schoolchildren to history. (David Cameron once claimed it was his favourite childhood reading.) Across the Channel, books like the so-called Petit Lavisse did much the same thing, recounting the whole great sweep of what the French term the roman national from the days of the Gaulish general Vercingetorix to the French Revolution and its aftermath.
Historians once found it natural to tell stories that were designed to imbue their countrymen with pride.
“Whatever your ancestors’ nationality, young Frenchmen and women, at the moment you become French, your ancestors are the Gauls and Vercingetorix.”

In 1987 historian Suzanne Citron published an important essay on “the national myth” in which she deconstructed the assumptions behind the traditional narratives then commonly taught in schools.
The purpose was to show how France’s past could not be understood except within a larger context — global, we might call it today — in which ideas and people and goods flowed across borders and shaped one another.

Alain Finkielkraut, self-appointed guardian of the old story, and himself recently on the receiving end of anti-Semitic abuse from gilets jaunes, denounced the authors as “gravediggers of the great French heritage”.

Gaul being — in a favourite nationalist phrase — the “eldest daughter” of Rome

Countries prosper, so the message runs, when they welcome strangers (like the Armenian refugees who gave France Charles Aznavour) and they suffer from the consequences of their own narrow-mindedness.

Now it is not the book’s gleeful dismantling of the récit national that is under attack, but rather its purported underplaying of a long history of inequality and its consequences.
there are real problems with reading globalisation back into the past, not least because trade in general, and foreign trade in particular, was simply far less important as a part of economic life in earlier times than it is today
a more militant, provincial and insurgent history of burdens and privileges.
separate communal and local activism from outright xenophobia

The limitations of the nationalist narrative have been exposed. But what is the alternative? To abandon narrative altogether, in favour of the episodic and the vignette?
is it best replaced by a multitude into which we can dip at will? The idea of a past that is shared may then slowly slip entirely from view.
historiography  debate  narrative  world  nationalism  français  france  history  2019  book  society  conflict  manif  macron  globalization  opinion 
april 2019 by aries1988
A new museum captures Austria’s ambivalence about its past - The story of a horse
Most Austrians saw Austria as an aberration, cut off from its wheat in the east, its port on the Adriatic and the industry of Bohemia; the Allies denied their wish to join a “greater Germany”.

“We see ourselves as a forum for debate,” says Monika Sommer, the director. “We are quite comfortable with showing that there isn’t always one view on history.” She hopes that exhibits like the Waldheim-Pferd will prove to be “friction points” that galvanise discussion. There are bound to be controversies, she acknowledges. The museum’s aim is to provide a stage on which to air them, perhaps even to forge a new consensus.
austria  ww2  victim  history  narrative  museum  travel 
november 2018 by aries1988
黄宇和:21世纪初西方鸦片战争研究反映的重大问题-中国社会科学网
根深蒂固的西方偏见之一,是英国人坚称其发动鸦片战争是正义的,所持理由是扫除广东十三行强加于外国商人的种种极度苛刻的通商条件与限制,近乎于种族歧视。

盖尔伯把其研究第一次鸦片战争的心得,归纳如下:
从英国的政治角度看,1840—1842那场与中国的战争,并非一场鸦片战争,而只是区区一些地方性的小摩擦。英国坚决反抗那腐朽透顶,却高高在上而又狂妄无知的中国,坚决维护英王的尊严,坚决保护英国男女的性命安全,坚决追偿被中国政府抢夺了的财物。没有任何一个伦敦人,也没有任何一个带兵攻打中国的军官,会认为该场战争与鸦片有任何关系。若中国人有本领堵塞鸦片走私,就让他们大显身手吧,英军则绝对不会代劳。那场战争,打起来不费吹灰之力;却后患无穷,盖数十年后,传教士目睹中国的苦难,悲天悯人,错误地怪罪英国把鸦片强加于中国,才改变了英美舆论。

他进一步阐明其理论说:“鸦片在中国以外的地方,包括英国和印度,都是合法的,单单在中国不合法。结果在中国,不但成千上万的中国商人与黑帮,疯狂地走私鸦片;就连最上层的高官,也染指其中。”
opinion  qing  uk  war  west  narrative 
october 2018 by aries1988
历史的乱炖
历史太大,内容太多,一时不知从何讲起,就先来一碗乱炖,作为开篇吧。 一、人类的文明起点 言中国史,必以汉唐为骄傲,说西洋史,必云希腊罗马如何如何,所谓“光荣属于希腊,伟大属于罗马”。 说大汉,必云匈奴,言盛唐,岂能避开突厥?希腊再光荣,能不提马其顿?罗马再牛逼,也免不了北方蛮族的侵袭。

雅斯贝尔斯(1949年出版的《历史的起源与目标》)指出:公元前500年左右特别关键,因为人类精神的基础在那时奠定了,而且是同时、独立地在中国、印度、波斯、巴勒斯坦和希腊开始奠定(公元前800至公元前200年之间),这是人类文明精神的重大突破时期,因此叫做轴心时代,人类文明的轴心时代。

凯撒的侄子屋大维

罗马人不但控制生育,而且还杀婴,再加上连年的战争,人口不断递减,只能接受蛮族的大量迁入,令人口组成发生改变,进而影响了整个政治和社会结构。

博望侯张骞所开辟的,李希霍芬所命名的SILK ROAD。

伤寒,是伤寒,不是伤感。

彭慕兰就牛在了反其道而行之,他的发问是英格兰为什么没有成为江南?事实上,18世纪的英格兰无论在人口增长、劳动生产率、土地单位面积产量、生态压力、能源供应方面,面临比中国更大的压力。

英国的煤特好,水灵灵的,而山西的煤特别干。那又如何呢?估计很多朋友不理解,英国的煤很水,有啥好的,山西的煤都是干货,岂不美哉,烧起来多旺啊!是的,英国的煤很水,所在在开采时就需要不断抽水,这就促使了蒸汽机的发明。而山西的煤很干燥,常常会发生煤层自燃,这就需要通风技术来解决。

原来,就是中国煤炭的位置没放好,而且都是干货,这能怪谁呢?要怪就怪亿万年前,那些植物,你们为什么要埋在山西、还要干埋呢?青山处处埋忠骨,何不江南变煤炭。是啊,江南很不走运,经济就内卷化了,停滞不前了。
china  europe  comparison  narrative  history  humor  coal  england  modernization 
may 2018 by aries1988
为什么古代的商业国家里没有一个持久的强国?
本账号系网易新闻&网易号“ 各有态度 ”签约账号 问丨 这些年来,好像出现了很多吹捧商人,歌颂商人国家的文章。但回头一看,发现那些以商业立国的地方,其实没有出现过一个持久性的强国。往往是稍有发展,就很快陷入一种速断不快但持续性的衰退。造成这种现象的原因是什么? 道理很简单,…
history  narrative  mercantilism  nation 
march 2018 by aries1988
Who Killed More: Hitler, Stalin, or Mao? | by Ian Johnson | NYR Daily | The New York Review of Books

Their most prominent spokesperson is Sun Jingxian, a mathematician at Shandong University and Jiangsu Normal University. He attributes changes in China’s population during this period as due to faulty statistics, changes in how households were registered, and a series of other obfuscatory factors. His conclusion: famine killed only 3.66 million people. This contradicts almost every other serious effort at accounting for the effects of Mao’s changes.

According to Chang, Mao was responsible for 70 million deaths in peacetime—more than any other twentieth-century leader.

The peacetime adjective is significant because it gets Hitler out of the picture. But is starting a war of aggression less of a crime than launching economic policies that cause a famine?

How, finally, does Mao’s record compare to those of Hitler or Stalin? Snyder estimates that Hitler was responsible for between 11 million and 12 million noncombatant deaths, while Stalin was responsible for at least 6 million, and as many as 9 million if foreseeable deaths caused by deportation, starvation, and incarceration in concentration camps are included.

If one includes the combatant deaths, and the deaths due to war-related famine and disease, the numbers shoot up astronomically. The Soviet Union suffered upward of 8 million combatant deaths and many more due to famine and disease—perhaps about 20 million.

As for Hitler, should his deaths include the hundreds of thousands who died in the aerial bombardments of Germans cities? After all, it was his decision to strip German cities of anti-aircraft batteries to replace lost artillery following the debacle at Stalingrad.

Mao didn’t order people to their deaths in the same way that Hitler did, so it’s fair to say that Mao’s famine deaths were not genocide—in contrast, arguably, to Stalin’s Holodomor in the Ukraine, the terror-famine described by journalist and historian Anne Applebaum in Red Famine (2017). One can argue that by closing down discussion in 1959, Mao sealed the fate of tens of millions, but almost every legal system in the world recognizes the difference between murder in the first degree and manslaughter or negligence. Shouldn’t the same standards apply to dictators?

By contrast, Mao himself and his successors have always realized that he was both China’s Lenin and its Stalin.

In Xi’s way of looking at China, the country had roughly thirty years of Maoism and thirty years of Deng Xiaoping’s economic liberalization and rapid growth. Xi has warned that neither era can negate the other; they are inseparable.
comparison  dictator  leader  china  soviet  nazi  history  today  death  disaster  famine  numbers  research  narrative  mao  debate  ethic 
february 2018 by aries1988
Interview with Emmanuel Macron: 'We Need to Develop Political Heroism' - SPIEGEL ONLINE - International

Nothing here should become habitual, because routine lends one a deceptive feeling of security. You begin not noticing certain things and lose your focus on what's important. Uncertainty and change keep you attentive.

It is a place laden with history. The emperors spent time here, Napoleon I and Napoleon III. In the Fourth Republic, it was the palace of a president without powers. Only in the Fifth Republic did Charles de Gaulle move back in.

Germany is different from France. You are more Protestant, which results in a significant difference. Through the church, through Catholicism, French society was structured vertically, from top to bottom. I am convinced that it has remained so until today.

France is a country of regicidal monarchists. It is a paradox: The French want to elect a king, but they would like to be able to overthrow him whenever they want.

I am a strong believer that modern political life must rediscover a sense for symbolism. We need to develop a kind of political heroism. I don't mean that I want to play the hero. But we need to be amenable once again to creating grand narratives. If you like, post-modernism was the worst thing that could have happened to our democracy. The idea that you have to deconstruct and destroy all grand narratives is not a good one. Since then, trust has evaporated in everything and everyone.

I am putting an end to the cronyism between politics and the media. For a president, constantly speaking to journalists, constantly being surrounded by journalists, has nothing to do with closeness to the people. A president should keep the media at arm's length.
interview  français  deutschland  newspaper  2017  macron  democracy  europe  politics  france  state  president  opinion  comparison  protestant  society  hierarchy  narrative  post  modernity  trust  media  idea  reform  heroism 
october 2017 by aries1988
梁文道:結局之後的劇情

這種宣傳,這個版本的劉曉波故事,對於香港、台灣和其他地方的人而言,應該沒有多大作用,因為我們有另一套截然不同的劉曉波故事。但是對於言路閉塞,信息封鎖,浸泡在主旋律正能量大浴缸下的大陸居民,乃至於到了海外仍然不離這種心理環境的大陸居民來講,這可能就是他們所知的劉曉波生平了。
2017  narrative  democracy  leader  death  china  today  politics  state 
july 2017 by aries1988
How ISIS Expands
The Islamic State aims to build a broad colonial empire across many countries.
2015  infographics  map  narrative  news 
may 2015 by aries1988
Stop the Second World War comparisons
When I asked a Finnish historian whether Finns were ashamed of having fought alongside Hitler, he asked me whether Britons were ashamed of having fought alongside Stalin. Touche, I thought.

The Chinese are drawing a false analogy, too. Japanese warships aren’t about to motor off to create a new 1940s-style Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Even so, as China tries to realign the region’s order, the Second World War will continue to come in handy. A Chinese “Godwin’s Law” is still some time away.
history  narrative  today  war  diplomacy  opinion 
may 2015 by aries1988
What Russians really think - FT.com
May 9 highlights the chasm that has opened between Russia’s view of itself and perceptions elsewhere. While many European countries mark the day with Holocaust commemorations and appeals for peace and international understanding, the Russian emphasis is on military glory and the Red Army’s role in liberating Europe.

Rationally I think the Lithuanians have the right to establish their own identity and have their own views on this, but I wanted to say: ‘No, no, don’t talk so bad about the Soviet Union!

The Baltics had very little industry before the Soviet Union — we gave them everything. But now they are throwing it away.

any kind of reappraisal of wartime history is politically difficult because the conventional version has become so central to Russian national identity. Of course, they want to preserve the victory narrative and the perspective that the Soviet Union acted to the benefit of its neighbours, but you have to have a dialogue about these things

Stalin was our wartime leader, and for every Russian the second world war is an issue so close to the heart because every family lost someone in that war.
reportage  russia  people  interview  history  narrative  mentality  europe  2015 
april 2015 by aries1988

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