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aries1988 : nationalism   14

“想象的共同体”究竟是什么?

在安德森以前,如何定义和理解民族和民族国家已经被很多学者探讨过了。安德森想弄清楚的是为什么民族或者民族国家有让人为它去死的权威和魔力。他认为以前的学者多半关心的是为什么人们会以民族和民族国家的名义去杀人,但这并不特别,因为在民族产生以前就有大规模杀戮异类甚至同类的历史。但为了一个共同体有大量的人愿意牺牲自我利益甚至去死,就像为情所困甚至殉情,成为人类社会一个比较普遍的现象,这似乎是近代民族产生以后的事。个人为什么会愿意为了民族而牺牲,这种“基于政治的爱”(political love)的力量从何而来,这是安德森试图探讨的问题。

安德森从不同的角度迫近这个问题,但我觉得最有说服力的是第八章“爱国主义和种族主义”中,他从分析民族主义政治语言中得出的结论:在构建这样一个“想象的共同体”中,一种个人在身份上无法选择的“自然关系”起了很大作用。这种个人无法选择的自然关系有两个来源:一是血亲(kinship),例如“祖国”的本意就是血脉的延续,它把国家的概念和对父母以及祖先的亲情联系起来了;另一种就是大自然(Nature),例如土地与河流,认为特定地理环境孕育了这个群体中每一个人。民族就是基于血亲和自然的对个人具有强大约束力和感召力的有机性共同体,它对于个人身份和认同的定性是无法改变的。
book  idea  explained  nationalism 
12 days ago by aries1988
1999:大使馆的血、北京的游行,与世纪之交的中国知识分子|深度|端传媒 Initium Media

出生于毛时代后期的一代人,少年时代的文化生活并不丰富,从冷战中社会主义阵营引进的为数不多的译制片,被视作珍宝。游击队电影在1980年代进入中国,因其叙事节奏快、故事复杂,区别于早年引入的社会主义电影的情节扁平、人物刻板,受到热烈欢迎。男孩们在课后扮演《瓦尔特保卫萨拉热窝》(Valter brani Sarajevo)电影中游击队员的角色,想象着像里面的英雄一样牺牲。他们乐此不疲地对接着暗号:“请给我放大一张我表妹的照片!”,“空气在颤抖,仿佛天空在燃烧!”“是啊!暴风雨就要来了”……那些电影塑造了一代人的记忆,让他们对南斯拉夫有着童年乡愁般的亲近感。

“如果放在具体的历史语境中,我想当时的情感体验跟客观现实之间是有一定距离的”,二十年后再回溯,黄纪苏认为,“国际社会如何对人道主义灾难进行干涉是一个值得深入讨论的问题。但在当时,无论是南斯拉夫,还是美国,都是作为符号进入了中国人的情感经验”。

现任教于中央戏剧学院戏文系的赵志勇1999年正在武汉大学读书,武汉没有美国领事馆,只有位于汉口的法国领事馆,他记得他的同学走几小时路到法国领事馆示威,一位同学鞋子走坏了,光着脚从汉口走了回来。

王炎也认为,1999年大使馆被炸事件标志着民族主义不再被国家所垄断,它开始成为具有高度能动性的民众力量——尽管它不一定总是正面的。

“主权与人权之辩”是科索沃战争在全球知识界开启的重要问题
以哈贝马斯为代表的“人权派”支持北约对发生在科索沃的种族清洗进行人道主义干涉,而以乔姆斯基( Noam Chomsky)为代表的“主权派”则批判美国为首的利益集团重塑后冷战时代新世界秩序的野心。

当“美国”取代了“工人阶级”,成为了活跃于全球化时代的中国左翼绕不开的问题,他们如何弥合民族主义情感结构下的主权国家视角,与共产主义运动历史中“无产阶级没有祖国”式的国际主义情感结构?

在资本主义穿透一切的时代,后冷战时代的自由主义意识形态视“主权”为最大的障碍——“人权”话语经常扮演着后冷战时期中心地带对边缘地带的掠夺工具。“国际主义”改弦更张被新自由主义经济秩序所接管,而参与这套天罗地网般的经济秩序,又只能以主权国家为单位。后发国家的左翼在对抗这套经济秩序,捍卫边缘国家在这套游戏规则中不成为中心国家经济上的殖民地时,似乎不得不站稳主权国家的位置。

二十年后的今天,中美贸易战打响,美国垄断的信息秩序对中国民族资本的封锁,再度点燃了从知识界到民间的反美民族主义情绪。
politics  left  chinese  2009  history  usa  imperialism  marxism  nationalism  anti-american 
11 weeks ago by aries1988
Gauls, gilets jaunes and the fight for French identity

# the roman national
The British used to read Our Island Story — the hoary best-seller whose chronicling of stirring events and great men and women from Albion to Queen Victoria introduced generations of schoolchildren to history. (David Cameron once claimed it was his favourite childhood reading.) Across the Channel, books like the so-called Petit Lavisse did much the same thing, recounting the whole great sweep of what the French term the roman national from the days of the Gaulish general Vercingetorix to the French Revolution and its aftermath.
Historians once found it natural to tell stories that were designed to imbue their countrymen with pride.
“Whatever your ancestors’ nationality, young Frenchmen and women, at the moment you become French, your ancestors are the Gauls and Vercingetorix.”

In 1987 historian Suzanne Citron published an important essay on “the national myth” in which she deconstructed the assumptions behind the traditional narratives then commonly taught in schools.
The purpose was to show how France’s past could not be understood except within a larger context — global, we might call it today — in which ideas and people and goods flowed across borders and shaped one another.

Alain Finkielkraut, self-appointed guardian of the old story, and himself recently on the receiving end of anti-Semitic abuse from gilets jaunes, denounced the authors as “gravediggers of the great French heritage”.

Gaul being — in a favourite nationalist phrase — the “eldest daughter” of Rome

Countries prosper, so the message runs, when they welcome strangers (like the Armenian refugees who gave France Charles Aznavour) and they suffer from the consequences of their own narrow-mindedness.

Now it is not the book’s gleeful dismantling of the récit national that is under attack, but rather its purported underplaying of a long history of inequality and its consequences.
there are real problems with reading globalisation back into the past, not least because trade in general, and foreign trade in particular, was simply far less important as a part of economic life in earlier times than it is today
a more militant, provincial and insurgent history of burdens and privileges.
separate communal and local activism from outright xenophobia

The limitations of the nationalist narrative have been exposed. But what is the alternative? To abandon narrative altogether, in favour of the episodic and the vignette?
is it best replaced by a multitude into which we can dip at will? The idea of a past that is shared may then slowly slip entirely from view.
historiography  debate  narrative  world  nationalism  français  france  history  2019  book  society  conflict  manif  macron  globalization  opinion 
april 2019 by aries1988
【梁文韬书评】《满洲国》

在理论上值得讨论的议题是满洲本身是一个地域名词,还是一个国家名词。在这个问题上,作者似乎主张满洲作为一个地域名词来使用,所以在满洲的土地上自古至今出现不同的部落国家如渤海国甚至帝国如金国或后来的大清帝国。我们必须注意,反观在「支那」一词的应用上,目前排除将支那作为地域名词的恶果是令中国一词同时指涉地域及相关的大一统国家,造就了大一统主义。
manchuria  book  china  nationalism  concept 
april 2019 by aries1988
周濂: 个人自由与大国崛起——从马克斯.韦伯的政治光谱谈起

韦伯政治思考的基本单位是“民族”与“文化”而非“个人”与“制度”,韦伯更认同精英而非大众,更热衷实现少数人的自由而非普世的平等自由,更推崇权力为导向的政治而非以权利为基础的政治。德国的危机是韦伯思考政治问题的根本出发点和终极原则,而韦伯对于自由主义危机的诊断和应对则进一步呼应和强化了他对德国危机的诊断和应对,最终导致韦伯放弃自由主义和宪政民主,转而拥抱民族主义以及克里斯玛型的政治领袖。

韦伯的政治思考对于具体的政治实践同样意义深远。从正面的角度说,韦伯告诫作为经济上升阶段的资产阶级要形成担当政治责任的新意愿,组建利益集团参与政治,不做当局的附庸者而要做政治的领导者和社会的压仓石。从负面的角度说,韦伯用他的失败经验(以及德国的失败经验)提醒资产阶级和自由主义者与其半心半意、工具化地接受普选制与福利政策,不如真心实意地响应普罗大众和社会底层的利益要求和社会公正议题,在面对大国崛起、民族复兴的诱惑时,必须恪守自由主义个体权利和程序正义的底线,从内部夯实宪政民主制度,始终警惕来自民族主义话语以及卡理斯玛型领袖人物的威胁。
opinion  book  politics  deutsch  nationalism  liberalism 
april 2019 by aries1988
Waking Up with Sam Harris: #133 — Globalism on the Brink
Legitimate grievances with immigration https://overcast.fm/+Ic2iBh0LA/32:11
Impact of automation https://overcast.fm/+Ic2iBh0LA/39:34
Universal basic income, solution? https://overcast.fm/+Ic2iBh0LA/39:42

It's one thing for the Chinese to steal our intellectual property, it's another for them to steal our strategy."
civic  nationalism  technology  crisis  transformation  society  politics  trump  2018  globalism  explained  cosmopolitanism  podcast 
october 2018 by aries1988
League of nationalists | The Economist
She laments the decline of a proud people and vows to make France great again.

proud but few think their country is the best of the world
France is witnessing a “defensive nationalism”, says Dominique Moïsi of the Institut Montaigne, a think-tank, “based on a lack of confidence and a negative jingoism: the idea that I have to defend myself against the threat of others.”

Theresa May, who says: “If you believe you’re a citizen of the world, you’re a citizen of nowhere. You don’t understand what the very word ‘citizenship’ means.”
nationalism  politics  society  2016 
december 2016 by aries1988
Battling for influence — Hu Xijin, editor-in-chief, Global Times
Few people in China have shaped debate on foreign affairs like the 56-year-old Mr Hu. For 11 years he has been editor-in-chief of the Global Times, a daily mix ofinternational news, military fan club and shrill commentary that has become the main window on the world for many Chinese. Mr Hu combines a boyish fascination with wars and weapons with a scorched-earth argumentative approach. That has won him as many enemies among China’s western-leaning “rightists” as friends on the ascendant left.

The Global Times is predictable in its world view: America wants to keep China down, Japan today is no different from the warmongering invader of the 1930s, other Asian countries are US puppets, Russia is a much-maligned partner in fending off the world-conquering ambitions of the US and Nato. Popular democracy is a disaster.

Tempering this incendiary mix is an ambition to make international news understandable and relevant.

“People used to see foreign affairs as something for the intelligentsia. Now, anything that happens in the world is related to China,” Mr Hu says. “Foreigners should understand the views of Chinese society to reduce the chance of misreading China. Chinese are unsatisfied, and it is our right to be heard.”
china  newspaper  journalism  nationalism  interview 
november 2016 by aries1988
The Uses of Patriotism - The New York Times
This American creed gave people a sense of purpose and a high ideal to live up to. It bonded them together. Whatever their other identities — Irish-American, Jewish American, African-American — they were still part of the same story.
The multiculturalist mind-set values racial, gender and ethnic identities and regards national identities as reactionary and exclusive.
When we sing the national anthem, we’re not commenting on the state of America. We’re fortifying our foundational creed. We’re expressing gratitude for our ancestors and what they left us. We’re expressing commitment to the nation’s ideals, which we have not yet fulfilled.
If we don’t transmit that creed through shared displays of reverence we will have lost the idea system that has always motivated reform. We will lose the sense that we’re all in this together. We’ll lose the sense of shared loyalty to ideas bigger and more transcendent than our own short lives.
patriotism  usa  opinion  nationalism 
september 2016 by aries1988
Colin Kaepernick Is Lucky He’s Not Japanese | Foreign Policy
Over the past two years, several people have been thrown out of cinemas for refusing to stand for the national anthem, “Jana Gana Mana” — a song that seems to be playing an increasingly public role with the resurgence of Hindu nationalism under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Playing the anthem before screenings is compulsory in Maharashtra (the state that includes Mumbai) and common in other states like Kerala.

it could also be that few actually understood the point the teachers were trying to make. The war was more than 70 years ago, after all. The anthem, to most modern ears, simply sounds like a call for a much loved emperor’s reign to last for a geologically impossible (stones turning into boulders) length of time.
india  japan  cinema  state  education  school  history  usa  nationalism 
september 2016 by aries1988
I Criticized the Olympics. That Doesn’t Make Me a Traitor.
In Brazil, many of us are so obsessed with how the outside world sees us that we won’t recognize our own faults.
brazil  pride  nation  critic  opinion  nationalism 
august 2016 by aries1988
从中国网民的愤怒,想到姚明的好脾气_易小荷_腾讯大家
因此,真正的奥林匹克精神绝对不是把孙杨等于全部中国人,指责孙杨就是指责中华民族,把不支持去围攻谩骂霍顿的人划分为“洋奴”,也绝不是自以为是的“网络打砸抢”,打着“爱国主义”的旗号进行暴力狂欢,趁机割裂人群,把全世界分为“中国”和“诋毁中国的国家”。
sports  people  nation  zeitgeist  chinese  today  olympics  nationalism 
august 2016 by aries1988

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