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Byron Allen On Economic Inclusion, Buying The Weather Channel, Comcast Racial Bias Lawsuit + More - YouTube
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$300 MM is not a lot of money. Understand how much money is out there and is there for YOU.
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The story of how the struggle for civil rights intertwined and intersected historically with the struggle against monopoly provides a lesson for the future. It suggests a need to recognize how political independence connects with economic independence in the struggle for social justice. Without freedom from domination in one sphere, there is no freedom in the other.
African-Americans  Byron_Allen  civil_rights  economic_clout  economic_inclusion  economic_independence  entrepreneur  equality_of_opportunity  racial_discrimination 
november 2019 by jerryking
Starbucks Is Not the Next Selma - WSJ
By Robert L. Woodson Sr.
April 29, 2018

What do the Starbucks protesters want? Who are the intended beneficiaries of their goals? Who are the losers?...It’s easy to see who benefits from this kind of response: The consultants who devise and conduct sensitivity-training sessions. The civil-rights organizations that will get money from donors anxious to relieve their white guilt. ..... Although many of the young protesters may authentically believe they are rallying for racial justice, they are in fact playing the role of the decoy. They are a useful diversion for those who reap the profits of the race-grievance industry. Similarly, the continuing mantra of racism serves as a shield for black officials in cities where black neighborhoods have declined and decayed.
African-Americans  civil_rights  grievances  Philadelphia  Starbucks  racial_sensitivity  white_guilt 
april 2018 by jerryking
Charles McDew, 79, Tactician for Student Civil Rights Group, Dies - The New York Times
By SAM ROBERTSAPRIL 13, 2018

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obituaries  Colleges_&_Universities  civil_rights  '60s  African-Americans 
april 2018 by jerryking
The Other Inconvenient Truth - The New York Times
Charles M. Blow AUG. 17, 2017

The GOP's devil’s dance back to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the emergence of Richard Nixon. After the passage of the act, the Republican Party, the party of Lincoln to which black people felt considerable fealty, turned on those people and stabbed them in the back.

In 1994 John Ehrlichman, Nixon’s domestic-policy adviser and a Watergate co-conspirator, confessed this to the author Dan Baum:

“The Nixon campaign in 1968, and the Nixon White House after that, had two enemies: the antiwar left and black people. You understand what I’m saying? We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or blacks, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities. We could arrest their leaders, raid their homes, break up their meetings and vilify them night after night on the evening news. Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did.”......The policies are the poison.

And yes, this is all an outgrowth of white supremacy, a concept that many try to apply only to vocal, violent racists but that is in fact more broadly applicable and pervasive.

People think that they avoid the appellation because they do not openly hate. But hate is not a requirement of white supremacy. Just because one abhors violence and cruelty doesn’t mean that one truly believes that all people are equal — culturally, intellectually, creatively, morally. Entertaining the notion of imbalance — that white people are inherently better than others in any way — is also white supremacy.

The position of opposing racial cruelty can operate in much the same way as opposition to animal cruelty — people do it not because they deem the objects of that cruelty their equals, but rather because they cannot countenance the idea of inflicting pain and suffering on helpless and innocent creatures. But even here, the comparison cleaves, because suffering black people are judged to have courted their own suffering through a cascade of poor choices.

This is passive white supremacy, soft white supremacy, the kind divorced from hatred. It is permissible because it’s inconspicuous. But this soft white supremacy is more deadly, exponentially, than Nazis with tiki torches.
African-Americans  Richard_Nixon  Donald_Trump  GOP  racism  Southern_Strategy  Charles_Blow  Watergate  white_supremacy  civil_rights  1968  imbalances 
august 2017 by jerryking
Where Have All the Black-Owned Businesses Gone? - The Atlantic
BRIAN S. FELDMAN MAY 1, 2017

The last 30 years also have brought the wholesale collapse of black-owned independent businesses and financial institutions that once anchored black communities across the country. In 1985, 60 black-owned banks were providing financial services to their communities; today, just 23 remain. In 11 states where black-owned banks had headquarters in 1994, not a single one is still in business. Of the 50 black-owned insurance companies that operated during the 1980s, today just two remain.

Over the same period, tens of thousands of black-owned retail establishments and local service companies also have disappeared, having gone out of business or been acquired by larger companies. Reflecting these developments, working-age black Americans have become far less likely to be their own boss than in the 1990s. The per-capita number of black employers, for example, declined by some 12 percent just between 1997 and 2014.......the decline in entrepreneurship and business ownership among black Americans also is cause for concern. ...market concentration has played a role in suppressing opportunity and in displacing local economies. ...........The role of market concentration in inhibiting black-owned businesses is also troubling because of the critical role that such enterprises have played in organizing and financing the struggle for civil rights in America......The decline of black-owned independent businesses traces back to many causes, but a major one that has been little noted was the decline in the enforcement of anti-monopoly and fair-trade laws beginning in the late 1970s......Bob Dickerson, the CEO of the Birmingham Business Resource Center in Alabama, says, “Had our institutions and businesses been maintained, had that money been plowed back into our communities, it could have meant a world of difference.”

The role of market concentration in driving down the number of black-owned independent businesses becomes all the more concerning when one considers some mostly forgotten history. In principles, people, and tactics, the fight for black civil rights, going back to before the Civil War, was often deeply intertwined and aligned with America’s anti-monopoly traditions......The story of how the struggle for civil rights intertwined and intersected historically with the struggle against monopoly provides a lesson for the future. It suggests a need to recognize how political independence connects with economic independence in the struggle for social justice. Without freedom from domination in one sphere, there is no freedom in the other.
African-Americans  anticompetitive_behaviour  anti-monopoly  antitrust  black-owned  business  civil_rights  collapse-anxiety  corporate_concentration  economic_clout  economic_inclusion  economic_independence  enforcement  fair-trade  Jim_Crow  market_concentration  market_power  New_Deal  political_independence  segregation  societal_collapse 
may 2017 by jerryking
William Coleman Fought Civil-Rights Battles From the Inside - WSJ
William T. Coleman Jr. graduated at the top of his Harvard Law School class, served in President Gerald Ford’s cabinet as transportation secretary, argued 19 cases before the Supreme Court and was a director of companies including International Business Machines Corp. and PepsiCo Inc. He was one of the few blacks of his generation to become a top-level insider in business and government.

In his later years, he also was frustrated that American schools and neighborhoods remained largely segregated. “We underestimated the complexity of achieving sustained integration,” he wrote in his 2010 memoir, “Counsel for the Situation.”

He shunned extreme language. “You accomplish things by being in the room when the deal is made, and it’s just not in your interest to take positions where you’re not going to get in the room,” he said in an oral history.....He relished legal problem-solving, and it allowed him to live well. Blue-chip companies “pay me a hell of a lot of money to tell them what to do and what not to do,” he said in an interview with the National Visionary Leadership Project. He also remained active in civil rights.
African-Americans  lawyers  Harvard  '70s  NAACP  memoirs  books  obituaries  civil_rights  segregation  desegregation  problem_solving  cabinets  HLS  blue-chips 
april 2017 by jerryking
Harry and Sidney: Soul Brothers - The New York Times
Charles M. Blow FEB. 20, 2017

Belafonte and Poitier demonstrated over a lifetime how celebrities could embody activism as well as the quiet power of dignity and grace.

King once said of Poitier: “He is a man of great depth, a man of great social concern, a man who is dedicated to human rights and freedom. Here is a man who, in the words we so often hear now, is a soul brother.”

In fact, I think that is what Poitier and Belafonte found in each other: a soul brother. Happy birthday, gentlemen.
'60s  actors  African-Americans  Caribbean  celebrities  Charles_Blow  civil_rights  dignity  friendships  iconic  trailblazers 
february 2017 by jerryking
Black Lives, White Lies and Emmett Till - The New York Times
By THE EDITORIAL BOARDFEB. 6, 2017
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cold_cases  Jim_Crow  history  white_supremacy  killings  civil_rights  bigotry  Emmett_Till  the_South  FBI  lying  lynchings 
february 2017 by jerryking
I WISH I KNEW HOW IT WOULD FEEL TO BE FREE | Evernote Web
"I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free" is a gospel/jazz song written by Billy Taylor and "Dick Dallas", best known for the recording by Nina Simone in 1967 on her Silk & Soul album. Billy Taylor's original version (as "I Wish I Knew") was recorded on November 12, 1963, and released on his Right Here, Right Now album (Capitol ST-2039) the following year. His 1967 instrumental take was later used as the theme music for the Film review programme series on BBC television.
Billy Taylor has explained: "I wrote this song, perhaps my best-known composition, for my daughter Kim. This is one of the best renditions I’ve done, because it is very spiritual."[1]
music  '60s  gospel  songs  civil_rights  spirituals 
december 2016 by jerryking
The Horror of Lynchings Lives On - The New York Times
By THE EDITORIAL BOARDDEC. 3, 2016
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lynchings  the_South  cold_cases  Jim_Crow  history  killings  civil_rights  bigotry 
december 2016 by jerryking
Race, Truth and Our Two Realities - The New York Times
Chris Lebron
THE STONE JULY 11, 2016

The distance between the left and right is represented by ideology and self-interest. While ideology and self-interest have something to do with our differences on racial truth, it crucially has more to do with the moment at which my experience enlivens my perception of how the racial past makes the racial present and how your experience leaves race in the past and renders the present as something unrecognizable to me but comforting to you.
race_relations  Dallas  slavery  police_shootings  MLK  LBJ  civil_rights 
july 2016 by jerryking
How the Civil Rights Movement has gained relevance for a new generation - The Globe and Mail
DAVID SHRIBMAN
How the Civil Rights Movement has gained relevance for a new generation
SUBSCRIBERS ONLY
Special to The Globe and Mail
Published Tuesday, Mar. 10 2015
civil_rights  millennials  African-Americans 
march 2015 by jerryking
Joseph Epstein: What's Missing in Ferguson, Mo. - WSJ
Aug. 12, 2014 | WSJ | By JOSEPH EPSTEIN.

The black family—the absence of fathers—is the problem. The old dead analyses, the pretty panaceas, are paraded. Yet nothing new is up for discussion. Discussion itself is off the table. Except when Bill Cosby, Thomas Sowell or Shelby Steele and a few others have dared to speak about the pathologies at work—and for doing so, these black figures are castigated.

President Obama, as leader of all the people, is not well positioned for the job of leading the black population that finds itself mired in despond. Someone is needed who commands the respect of his or her people, and the admiration of that vast—I would argue preponderate—number of middle-class whites who understand that progress for blacks means progress for the entire country.

The older generation of civil-rights leaders proved its mettle through physical and moral courage. The enemy was plain—rear-guard segregationists of the old South—and the target was clear: wrongful laws that had to be, and were, rescinded. The morality of the matter was all on these leaders' side. In Little Rock, in Montgomery, in Selma and elsewhere, they put their lives on the line. And they won.

The situation today for a civil-rights leader is not so clear, and in many ways more complex. After the victories half a century ago, civil rights may be a misnomer. Economics and politics and above all culture are now at the heart of the problem. Blacks largely, and inexplicably, remain pledged to a political party whose worn-out ideas have done little for them while claiming much. Slipping off the too-comfortable robes of victimhood is essential, as is discouraging everything in ghetto culture that has dead-end marked all over it.
Ferguson  African-Americans  leaders  leadership  Michael_Brown  '60s  '50s  NAACP  MLK  civil_rights  fatherhood  dysfunction  victimhood  thug_code  family_breakdown 
august 2014 by jerryking
There Are Many Things That Are Missing in Ferguson — Letters to the Editor - WSJ
Aug. 21, 2014 | WSJ | Letter to the editor by Richard Klitzberg
Joseph Epstein's poignant comments in "What's Missing in Ferguson, Mo." (op-ed, Aug. 13) compare and contrast today's absence of black leadership with the '50s and '60s when great and historic black leaders rose to give the civil rights era its direction. The real question from Mr. Epstein should not concern riots in Missouri or what and how much blacks have been given by government, or what their current leaders have accomplished for them, but why they need "leaders" in the first place. ...The black community doesn't need today's leaders who are completely self-absorbed. It needs values and standards, goals and objectives—all of which are within their personal control. And they need to aim high. Doing that, even if one doesn't quite make it, leaves one a long way above where he was.
Ferguson  Michael_Brown  leadership  leaders  African-Americans  ethnic_communities  personal_control  self-absorbed  values  standards  goals  objectives  '60s  '50s  civil_rights 
august 2014 by jerryking
The Model for the March on Washington - WSJ.com
August 27, 2013 | WSJ | By PAUL MORENO

On this 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King Jr.'s March on Washington, Americans should pause to remember A. Philip Randolph, an unsung father of the struggle for civil-rights. Randolph's "March on Washington Movement" helped make the 1963 march possible. In early 1941, the U.S. was building its defenses for a possible war abroad even as it tried to remain neutral in an escalating conflict. In response, Randolph threatened to have 100,000 African-Americans march on Washington to protest discrimination in the armed services and defense industries. President Franklin D. Roosevelt feared that such a massive display of dissent would show America to be deeply divided.

Randolph, a militant socialist, led the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, an all-black labor union whose members helped expand the horizons of a still-largely Southern and rural black populace. He demanded that President Roosevelt integrate the armed forces and prohibit defense contractors from making hiring decisions based on race.
Washington_D.C.  MLK  anniversaries  civil_rights  tributes  protest_movements  A._Philip_Randolph  unions  African-Americans 
september 2013 by jerryking
What Happened to Jobs and Justice? - NYTimes.com
August 27, 2013 | NYT | By WILLIAM P. JONES.

As we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the march, however, its central achievements are more imperiled than ever. This summer the Supreme Court upheld the principles behind the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act while severely weakening authority to enforce them. We have a charismatic liberal president and inspiring protest movements dedicated to racial equality and economic justice — but, as in the Kennedy years, they have proved no match for well-organized conservatives.

The solution may not be another march on Washington. But real changes in policy, and the defense of previous victories, require the combination of institutional backing, coalition building and ambitious demands that brought so many people to the National Mall in 1963.
MLK  civil_rights  anniversaries  social_justice  jobs 
august 2013 by jerryking
The Ideas Behind the March
August 26, 2013 | NYT | By DAVID BROOKS.

As we commemorate the 1963 civil rights march on Washington, it’s worth remembering how close it came to not happening at all. When A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin started shopping the idea, the Urban League declined to support it, the N.A.A.C.P. refused to commit one way or another, and Martin Luther King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference were too busy with other challenges to get engaged. President John Kennedy argued that the march would hurt the chances of passing legislation...It’s also worth remembering that while today we take marches and protests for granted, the tactics of the civil rights movement had deep philosophical and religious roots...They wanted a set of tactics that were at once more aggressive and at the same time deeply rooted in biblical teaching. That meant the tactics had to start with love, not hate; nonviolence, not violence; renunciation, not self-indulgence. “Ours would be one of nonresistance,” Randolph told the Senate Armed Services Committee all the way back in 1948. “We would be willing to absorb the violence, absorb the terrorism, to face the music and to take whatever comes.” ...At the same time this tactic was not passive. It was not just turning the other cheek, loving your enemies or trying to win people over with friendship. Nonviolent coercion was an ironic form of aggression. Nonviolence furnished the movement with a series of tactics that allowed it to remain on permanent offense. ...

The idea was to reduce ugliness in the world by reducing ugliness in yourself. King argued that “unearned suffering is redemptive.” It would uplift people involved in this kind of action. It would impose self-restraint. At their best, the leaders understood that even people in the middle of just causes can be corrupted. They can become self-righteous, knowing their cause is right. They can become smug as they move forward, cruel as they organize into groups, simplistic as they rely on propaganda to mobilize the masses. Their hearts can harden as their enemies become more vicious. The strategy of renunciation and the absorbing of suffering was meant to guard against all that. ...In short, [nonviolence] relied upon a very sophisticated set of paradoxes. It relied on leaders who had done a lot of deep theological and theoretical work before they took up the cause of public action...So that’s what we are commemorating: The “I Have a Dream” speech, of course, but also an exercise in applied theology.
A._Philip_Randolph  African-Americans  anniversaries  Bayard_Rustin  biblical  David_Brooks  civil_rights  commemoration  JFK  MLK  NAACP  nonviolence  paradoxes  protest_movements  self-righteous  self-restraint  speeches  suffering  Washington_D.C. 
august 2013 by jerryking
Organizer of 1963 March on Washington, Rustin, Gets His Due - WSJ.com
August 26, 2013 | WSJ | By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS
Civil-Rights Leader Rustin Gets His Due 50 Years Later
Organizer of '63 March on Washington Was a Pacifist and Gay Man

WASHINGTON—One of the most momentous passages in American political history began with this mundane bit of advice: Pack peanut-butter-and-jelly sandwiches. Mayonnaise can go bad in the August heat.

That tip, one of many in instructional handbooks issued by leaders ahead of the 1963 March on Washington, reflected the organizational chops of Bayard Rustin, whose attention to detail helped ensure that what could have been a public-relations disaster for the civil-rights movement instead turned into a model of successful nonviolent protest.

On Wednesday, the country will mark the 50th anniversary of the march and the "I Have a Dream" speech the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. delivered on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. This year, the U.S. also is belatedly recognizing Mr. Rustin, a black activist at a time when blacks were denied basic rights, a pacifist when a nation fighting a world war scorned pacifism and a gay man when being gay meant risking jail and public humiliation.
MLK  African-Americans  Bayard_Rustin  history  anniversaries  civil_rights  pacificism  homosexuality  Washington_D.C.  Quakers  organizational_capacity  detail_oriented  humiliation  bravery  protest_movements 
august 2013 by jerryking
Shelby Steele: The Decline of the Civil-Rights Establishment - WSJ.com
July 21, 2013 | | WSJ | SHELBY STEELE.

The Decline of the Civil-Rights Establishment
Black leaders weren't so much outraged at injustice as they were by the disregard of their own authority.
Shelby_Steele  Trayvon_Martin  civil_rights  African-Americans  injustice  decline 
july 2013 by jerryking
They had a dream: King and Kennedy, 50 years on
Nov 21st 2012 | | The Economist | Jon Fasman from The World In 2013
JFK  MLK  civil_rights 
january 2013 by jerryking
Return to Self-Reliance
August 13, 1997 | Wall Street Journal | Jason L. Riley

A sad truth of late-20th-century black history is the lack of emphasis black leaders have placed on economic independence, opting instead to funnel resources toward integrating predominantly white institutions, be they political, corporate or educational. Such was not always the thinking; indeed, blacks left bondage with a very different mind-set.

"When you think back to the situation right after the Emancipation Proclamation, African-Americans did a couple things coming right out of slavery," Mr. Price said recently in an interview. "They started up colleges and they started up businesses, like independent farms and burial societies that led to the creation of insurance companies. And as black folks moved into the cities, they started everything that came with living there--barber shops, grocery stores, hotels."

Part of the reason blacks were able to do these things despite the racial barriers of Reconstruction and, later, Jim Crow, was the guidance and support of individuals such as Booker T. Washington. The pre-eminent black leader of the late 1800s and early 1900s, Washington was a shrewd self-help advocate and educator, and a relentless promoter of black economic independence. In 1901, the black novelist Pauline Hopkins called him "probably the most talked of Afro-American in the civilized world today."

A famous William Johnson painting of Washington shows the former slave addressing a class full of attentive black children. The blackboard behind him depicts a plow, a shovel, books and writing instruments--symbolizing the "tools" Washington realized were essential to the postslavery progress of his race. Demonstrating a keen understanding of the central role money and wealth accumulation play in advancing a people, Washington said: "No race that has anything to contribute to the markets of the world is long in any degree ostracized."
Jason_Riley  African-Americans  conservatism  Booker_T._Washington  Emancipation  capital_formation  capital_accumulation  self-help  civil_rights  education  self-reliance  Jim_Crow  economic_empowerment  generational_wealth  institutions  desegregation  history  Reconstruction  leaders 
september 2012 by jerryking
Black entrepreneurs, please
April 7, 1990 | The Economist | Anonymous.

Politics was vital for black advancement in the 1960s and 1970s, but is less so nowadays. Mr. Jackson’s presidential campaigns fed black self-esteem—but also stoked up the myth that black America remains in need of political, as opposed to economic, leadership. The true black “leadership” is not coterminous with black politicians who manage to stay in the spotlight. In every city there are lawyers, businessmen, ministers, public-housing organizers, doctors and teachers whose cadences are less emotive than the politicians’ but whose contribution to black prosperity is more real.

The battle for civil rights has given way, as most of the old civil rights organizations themselves acknowledge, to the battle for “economic empowerment”. After a legal foundation has been laid, a minority’s prosperity will depend less on political largesse and more on economic dynamism. Reasonable men may differ on the adequacy of the foundation of America's laws against discrimination But none can doubt that the time has come to build black prosperity on it. The median income of America’s black families has barely budged over the past decade.

This is why one of the vital findings of America’s 1990 census will be the level of black entrepreneurship In 1980, 1.37% of blacks were self-employed, compared with 1.92% of Hispanics (and 5.8% of whites). Recent, largely anecdotal, evidence suggests that the level of Mexican-American business formation continues to grow faster than that of blacks. True, some Mexican entrepreneurs are immigrants and therefore, almost by definition, more willing to take risks than native’ born Americans. But black, homegrown economic dynamism is urgently needed.
entrepreneurship  African-Americans  leadership  civil_rights  economic_dynamism  Jesse_Jackson  leaders  Louis_Farrakhan  politicians  economic_empowerment  anecdotal 
august 2012 by jerryking
carnage and culture: Jason Whitlock: Taylor's death a grim reminder for us all
November 30, 2007 | FOXSports.com | Jason Whitlock.
HBO did a fascinating documentary on Little Rock Central High School, the Arkansas school that required the National Guard so that nine black kids could attend in the 1950s. Fifty years later, the school is one of the nation's best in terms of funding and educational opportunities. It's 60 percent black and located in a poor black community.

Watch the documentary and ask yourself why nine poor kids in the '50s risked their lives to get a good education and a thousand poor black kids today ignore the opportunity that is served to them on a platter.

Blame drugs, blame Ronald Reagan, blame George Bush, blame it on the rain or whatever. There's only one group of people who can change the rotten, anti-education, pro-violence culture our kids have adopted. We have to do it.

The "keepin' it real" mantra of hip hop is in direct defiance to evolution. There's always someone ready to tell you you're selling out if you move away from the immature and dangerous activities you used to do, you're selling out if you speak proper English, embrace education, dress like a grown man, do anything mainstream.

The Black KKK is enforcing the same crippling standards as its parent organization. It wants to keep black men in their place — uneducated, outside the mainstream and six feet deep.
NFL  self-help  hip_hop  killings  violence  African-Americans  thug_code  dysfunction  documentaries  HBO  immaturity  integration  students  '50s  education  civil_rights  high_schools 
august 2012 by jerryking
The Weekend Interview with Abigail Thernstrom: The Good News About Race in America - WSJ.com
May 18, 2012 | WSJ | By JASON L. RILEY.

Abigail Thernstrom: The Good News About Race in America
The 1965 Voting Rights Act has been a huge success. So why are black activists keen to press the discrimination button on issues like voter ID?
race  civil_rights  identity_politics  Jason_Riley 
may 2012 by jerryking
Dorothy Height, Unsung Heroine of Civil Rights Era, Is Dead at 98 - Obituary (Obit) - NYTimes.com
Dorothy Height, Largely Unsung Giant of the Civil Rights Era, Dies at 98
By MARGALIT FOX
Published: April 20, 2010
African-Americans  civil_rights  heroes  obituaries 
april 2010 by jerryking
The maverick's business guide
Sep 11 2009| Fortune Small Business | By Daniel Akst. Review
of Black Maverick: T.R.M. Howard's Fight for Civil Rights and Economic
Power By David T. Beito and Linda Royster Beito, University of Illinois
Press, 336 pages, $35
African-Americans  book_reviews  entrepreneur  civil_rights 
september 2009 by jerryking
Book Review: “Black Maverick” - WSJ.com
* AUGUST 6, 2009, | Wall Street Journal | By MARK BAUERLEIN.
Demanding Rights, Courting Controversy. A flamboyant civil-rights leader
—doctor, orator, activist—finally gets his due.
civil_liberties  African-Americans  book_reviews  civil_rights 
august 2009 by jerryking
Hillary and MLK - WSJ.com
Op-ed by John McWhorter on the fuss over Hillary Clinton's
remark about President Johnson involvement in, and contributions to, in
the Civil Rights struggles of the 1960s.
African-Americans  clinton  MLK  John_McWhorter  campaigns  Hillary_Clinton  civil_rights  LBJ  '60s 
january 2009 by jerryking

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