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robertogreco : 1964   14

Black Flag - MTV
"On the History of the American Flag in Black Protest Art"



"But the arguments employed by some of Kaepernick’s defenders are themselves deeply flawed. I’m thinking in particular of those rallying to Kaepernick’s side on the grounds that the national anthem is simply a song, and the flag is just cloth — people who are offended by the protest are attaching unwarranted significance to both.

But to strip the flag of the symbolism it carries is also to sap the power of Kaepernick's protest. The flag is more than a piece of fabric — and that is precisely what gives meaning and significance to his refusal to venerate it.

The border separating protest and art is porous. Almost all protests have an element of symbolic performance. One device that sometimes distinguishes protest from "pure" art is the way protest relies on disruption and taking up space — occupying ground, blocking a road, interrupting a ceremony. (Some public artworks also incorporate disruption, of course, but it's no coincidence that these are often explicitly political.)

Kaepernick's decision to sit for the anthem did not rely on disruption. In fact, it was so unobtrusive that it wasn't even noticed the first time he did it. It relied on a symbolic act, one with enough room for interpretation that Kaepernick needed to spell out its meaning. His protest was a piece of performance art, and in staging it he blurred the line between art and protest. Kaepernick isn't just a part of the long line of black athletes who have used their platforms to speak out about political issues; he (unintentionally) inserted himself into the rich tradition of black artists who have invoked the American flag in political protest."



"In the late 1980s, Dread Scott presented a controversial installation that consisted of a framed photomontage of protestors and coffins draped with American flags, with the header "What is the Proper Way to Display a US Flag?" Below the photomontage he mounted a shelf with a blank book in which those who wished to participate could write down their responses to the the question. And laid on the ground, directly in front of the frame and book, was a 3-by-5-foot American flag. This meant that if you wanted to look at the picture more closely, or write in the book, the most direct way to do so was to stand on it.

In What Is the Proper Way to Display a US Flag?, Scott demonstrated that it is much easier to confront America's injustices and participate in the project of building America into the country it should be if you do not see America as sacrosanct. After all, how can you fix what you don't think can be broken? How can you improve something that you believe is sacred? A sampling of responses written in the book sound like they've been pulled directly from the current debate. "If you don't like this country and you don't like our flag then get the hell out of here and go back home," reads one, sounding a lot like Donald Trump suggesting that Kaepernick "find another country." "The U.S. flag is a tool for continued oppression of People of Color throughout the world," reads another. Some responses claimed that Scott's artwork was disrespectful to the military, while others cited black American veterans who did not stand for the pledge of allegiance.

The tradition of invoking the flag in protest continues into the Black Lives Matter era. Last year, William Pope.L presented an updated version of his 2008 installation Trinket, an enormous and disproportionately long flag (54 by 16 feet), illuminated by giant klieg lights and set continuously waving by massive industrial fans — the kind used to create fake storms on movie sets. At the rightmost edge of the flag, the stripes are not completely sewn together, so that as the exhibition goes on, the end of the flag begins to fray and unravel from whipping back and forth, pulling apart the red from the white.

Trinket's hyperreal depiction of an America literally coming apart at the seams is powerful by itself, but it acquired new layers of meaning when Kendrick Lamar used it in the stage set of his performance at the 2015 BET Awards. Kendrick performed his pro-black protest anthem "Alright" atop a vandalized police cruiser, with Trinket as his backdrop. Even in the face of the shredded American social fabric, an economy "looking at me for the pay cut," and police that "wanna kill us dead in the street fo sho," Kendrick proclaimed a message of rebellious hope: "We gon' be alright." Kendrick Lamar's ragged Trinket, like Francis Scott Key's "Banner," is a flag of defiant survival.

Kendrick is able to write himself into the American flag for the same reason Kaepernick can write himself out of it — the American flag is a political object and its meaning is malleable and contestable. It is the banner of the federal government, and the battleflag of the American military, but it can carry other meanings that are just as potent. It is the symbol of the American dream, the American way, its values, its history, its principles, its traditions. But the flag isn't just a symbol of the America of our abstract ideals; it is one of the America that actually exists."
ezekielkweku  2016  colinkaepernick  protest  flags  us  sports  history  race  racism  military  nationalanthem  dreadscott  williampope.l  kendricklamar  1933  1980  civilrightsmovement  naacp  1964  discrimination  1969 
september 2016 by robertogreco
The missing link in the War on Poverty | Feature | Chicago Reader
"The national poverty rate declined markedly in the War on Poverty's early years, from 19 percent in 1964 to 11 percent in 1973. Then it flattened, and it has slowly risen since, to 15 percent by 2010. The leading beneficiaries of the programs spawned by the war were the elderly, with the creation of Medicare in 1965 keeping many out of poverty. Poverty among seniors has declined from 28.5 percent in 1966 to 9.1 percent in 2012.

Poor blacks in those "central areas" have not made similar gains. In Chicago in 1960, 29.7 percent of nonwhite families were living in poverty; as of 2007-2011, 27.4 percent of black Chicago families were in poverty. (Among white families in Chicago, the current poverty rate is 5.3 percent.)

The lack of success in eradicating urban poverty isn't surprising. The effort in cities never was well funded.

But as Harrington had pointed out, the poverty problem was not only deprivation but also separation. That separation was especially pronounced in cities, where the concentration of poverty meant children were growing up amid violence and joblessness, with few positive role models. War on Poverty programs tried to treat the deprivation without addressing the separation.

Politically, this was understandable. LBJ and other government leaders knew that Americans were more interested in helping the poor than living near them.

It took years of unremitting effort—and, ultimately, Johnson's consummate legislative skill—to finally pass, in 1964, a Civil Rights measure ending segregation by law, as it had existed in the south. But de facto segregation in the north proved an unbeatable foe. A Fair Housing Act finally passed in 1968, in the wake of the rioting that followed Martin Luther King's assassination, but it had been stripped of key enforcement provisions, and did little to reduce segregation. And so the isolation of poor minorities, blacks in particular, continued in Chicago—and in New York, Philadelphia, Detroit, Washington, Boston, Milwaukee, Baltimore, Cleveland, and other cities. And it continues still today."



"Even without the fiasco in Woodlawn, however, the War on Poverty was ill-fated in Chicago, as in other cities, because of the unwillingness to address racial segregation. Government officials had aided and abetted that segregation for decades—with restrictive covenants that forbade property owners from renting or selling to blacks, urban renewal programs that further isolated minorities, public housing confined to ghettos, and vast expenditures on highways and infrastructure that promoted sprawl and white flight. When officials surveyed the damage done to the poor by segregation, though, they maintained that government could do nothing to improve things because segregation was merely the result of personal choices.

The "community action" model of the war's first few years was soon replaced with Model Cities—a similar effort, except mayors were granted more control. Later there were Community Development Block Grants, and Urban Development Action Grants, and Enterprise Zones.

The theory behind these efforts has been that economic development of poor neighborhoods will create jobs in those communities, which will lift residents out of poverty. But even with tax breaks and other government incentives, businesses tend not to thrive in poor, high-crime areas. Residents who do find work usually find it elsewhere, and are eager to move to safer neighborhoods as soon as they're able.

In 1994, 30 years into the War on Poverty, Lemann wrote in the New York Times: "For three decades, Administration after Administration has pondered the ghettos and then settled on the idea of trying to revitalize them economically—even though there is almost no evidence that this can work."

The community development programs neatly avoided "what is perhaps the most perilous of all issues for elected officials—racial integration," Lemann observed. Advocates of integration maintain that community development efforts need to be combined with efforts to deconcentrate urban poverty. In metro Chicago, this would mean public officials taking steps to ensure that affordable housing is available not only throughout Chicago but throughout its suburbs; that fair housing laws are enforced; and that supportive programs are offered to residents of poor neighborhoods who are interested in moving.

But political leaders have continued to avoid even talking about segregation in the years since. In Chicago's last mayoral election, in 2011, none of the candidates offered a plan for addressing segregation. When I asked Rahm Emanuel during the campaign if he had any ideas for countering segregation, he responded with the standard community development ideas: "Safe streets, strong schools, and good-paying jobs throughout the city with the goal of lifting all neighborhoods up."

It's not as if segregation has gone away in Chicago since the War on Poverty started. The African-American population has thinned, but it's still largely isolated. In 1960, 69 percent of the city's black residents lived in community areas on the south and west sides whose total population was 94 percent black; today, 63 percent of Chicago's African-Americans live in community areas whose total population is 95 percent black. These neighborhoods have the city's highest rates of poverty, as well as the violence, unemployment, and failing schools that characterize neighborhoods where poverty is concentrated. The city's public school enrollment is 86 percent Hispanic and African-American and 85 percent low-income.

Though other presidents have steered clear of the topic of de facto segregation, Johnson spoke about it. "The great majority of Negro Americans . . . still, as we meet here tonight, are another nation," he said in a commencement address at Howard University in 1965. "Despite the court orders and the laws, despite the legislative victories and the speeches, for them, the walls are rising and the gulf is widening."

"Men are shaped by their world," Johnson continued. "When it is a world of decay, ringed by an invisible wall . . . it can cripple the youth and it can desolate the men."

President Obama lately has been speaking more forcefully about "economic inequality," and even at times about poverty, a word he studiously avoided in his first term. But might he ever talk about the role of segregation? That's probably too much to expect.

Obama said last week about the War on Poverty: "We are a country that keeps the promises we've made. And in a 21st century economy, we will make sure that as America grows stronger, this recovery leaves no one behind. Because for all that has changed in the 50 years since President Johnson dedicated us to this economic and moral mission, one constant of our character has not: we are one nation and one people, and we rise or fall together."

That, however, simply hasn't been true. Segregation continues to neatly sever the fates of residents of Winnetka and Lake Forest from those in Englewood and North Lawndale. And as long as it persists in metro areas, the rich will be able to continue to rise as the poor continue to founder."
waronpoverty  poverty  us  segregation  history  chicago  richarddaley  lyndonjohnson  1964  michaelharrington  theotheramerica  desegregation  class  cities  lbj 
july 2016 by robertogreco
LBJ Orders Pants - YouTube
"

In 1964, Lyndon Johnson needed pants, so he called the Haggar clothing company and asked for some. The call was recorded (like all White House calls at the time), and has since become the stuff of legend. Johnson's anatomically specific directions to Mr. Haggar are some of the most intimate words we've ever heard from the mouth of a President.



We at Put This On took the historic original audio and gave it to animator Tawd Dorenfeld, who created this majestic fantasia of bungholiana.

"
2011  1964  lyndonjohnson  pants  humor  clothing  lbj 
july 2016 by robertogreco
Small, Moving, Intelligent Parts – Words in Space
"Abstract: The great expositions and World’s Fairs of the 19th and 20th centuries were known for celebrating new technological developments. The world of index cards, fiches, and data management hardly seems germane to the avant-garde, one of the central concerns of this special issue – yet the fairs made clear that information management systems were themselves designed, and were critical components of more obviously revolutionary design practices and political movements. Cards and files became familiar attractions at expos throughout the long-20th century. But those standardized supplies came to embody different ideologies, different fantasies, as the cultural and political contexts surrounding them evolved – from the Unispheric “global village” modeled in 1964; to 1939’s scientifically managed World of Tomorrow; and, finally, to the age of internationalist aspirations that led up to World War I. We examine how the small, moving parts of information have indexed not only data, but also their own historical and cultural milieux."

[See also this thread,
https://twitter.com/shannonmattern/status/748180579426930688

that points to
https://twitter.com/npseaver/status/735140727806648320
http://savageminds.org/2014/05/21/structuralism-thinking-with-computers/
https://takingnotenow.blogspot.com/2007/12/luhmanns-zettelkasten.html ]
shannonmattern  2016  information  history  postits  hypercard  indexcards  cards  paperslips  1964  1939  data  archives  fiches  microfiche  datamanagement  officesupplies  ottoneurath  patrickgeddes  jamerhunt  evenote  writersduet  scrivener  notecards  obliquestrategycards  brianeno  peterschmidt  marshallmcluhan  julesverne  milydickinson  walterbenjamin  wittgenstein  claudelévi-strauss  rolandbarthes  niklasluhmann  georgesperec  raymondcarver  stanleybrouwn  marklombardi  corneliavismann  eames  fragments  flow  streams  johnwilkins  knoradgessner  williamcroswellcharlescoffinjewett  vannevarbush  timberners-lee  remingtonrand  melvildewey  deweydecimalsystem  srg  paulotlet  henrilafontaine  sperrycorporation  burroughscorporation  technology  kardexsystems  sperryrand  hermanhollerith  frederickwinslotaylor  worldoftomorrow  charleseames  ibm  orithlpern  johnharwood  thomasfarrell  wallaceharrison  gordonbunschaft  edwarddurrellstone  henrydreyfuss  emilpraeger  robertmoses  janejacobs  post-its 
june 2016 by robertogreco
crap futures — counter-constraint #1: non-progress dogma
"The world’s fairs also offer their insights into this dichotic system. For example, Futurama’s hidden agendas are strikingly revealed in E. L. Doctorow’s novel World’s Fair (1985). As a family leaves the exhibit, the father says: ‘“When the time comes General Motors isn’t going to build the highways, the federal government is. With money from us taxpayers.” He smiled. “So General Motors is telling us what they expect from us: we must build them the highways so they can sell us the cars.”’

Bel Geddes’s vision of super-highways largely came true, but so did various dystopian imaginaries that were generated out of the Futurama vision. In ‘Futurama, Autogeddon’, Helen Burgess describes the way in which ‘a messy, always-under-construction, polluted highway system, beaming cheerfully forward into the future, is reflected back to us in the second half of the century as a degraded landscape in J. G. Ballard’s Crash and The Atrocity Exhibition. In these tales,’ Burgess writes,

Bel Geddes’ optimistic narrative of the Interstate has collapsed … because the Interstate system is unsustainable - both narratively and ecologically. The ghosts of the highway call back to us from these future narratives, reminding us that death is just around the next bend.

Progress dogma as an eternally recurring phenomenon

The progress boosterism in the West of the 19th century was followed by two highly regressive world wars. Yet the postwar period saw an almost immediate return to … optimism! Progress dogma was reborn! America, isolated from the worst ravages of the two World Wars, kept blowing the trumpet for progress, and the other western countries followed. The lessons of history continued, and continue, to fall on deaf ears.

Designing counter-constraints

We realise now that we’ve not set ourselves an easy task. These are massive, complex systems that are more easily identified and critiqued than challenged with alternatives. But inaction is no solution. So we’ll go on, inspired by historical examples of how critical approaches have impacted on specific research directions and undermined progress dogma. The public inquiry into genetically modified food development in Europe and the consequent demonising of an entire scientific area (‘Frankenstein foods’) led by certain newspapers is one example of technology being steered away from its intended trajectory. In that case, however, the approach was problematic because the debate was simplified as a contest between good and evil, dystopia vs. utopia, rather than being an open and constructive dialogue. As this article suggests, the reality is often more nuanced and complex than a simple binary opposition can express.

So how do we move toward a more constructive approach to counter-constraints?
Here, as a discussion starter, are some first steps:

1. Stop assuming that, through technology, the future will be better than the present.
2. Be wary of too-positive presentations of technological future solutions.
3. Don’t assume that any of society’s problems will be solved by technology alone.
4. Do assume that for every benefit a new technology brings there will be unforeseen implications.
5. Remember to ask: ‘Progress for whom?’
6. And: ‘What in this specific case does progress actually mean?’
7. Remember that progress is easily confused with automation. Or efficiency.
8. Watch Adam Curtis’s The Century of the Self (and then watch it again).
9. Find ways of encouraging a critical perspective in others, without being a dystopian dick about it.
10. Actively start building the future you want, with or without technology.

One approach where we have first-hand experience and that begins to address point 10 is speculative design, which aims to facilitate a more critical and considered approach to future-formation. By countering the constraints that limit normative design to slavishly serving the market, speculative design is free to present futures that are neither explicitly utopian or dystopian. Using this approach we can explore possible scenarios when specific emerging technologies collide with everyday life. Or we can see what happens when we apply alternative configurations of contemporary technologies or systems to generate fresh perspectives on particular problems (a counter-constraint to constraint no. 2: legacies of the past, which we’ll return to in a future post). Speculation is time well spent.

We’ll give further thought to counter-constraints over a game of ping-pong on our rough-hewn autoprogettazione table, followed by coffee and toast. More, much more, to come. "
crapfutures  counter-constraints  futures  speculativedesign  design  2016  technosolutionism  technology  progress  progressdogma  automation  efficiency  normanbelgeddes  eames  productification  utopia  dystopia  resistance  richardbarbrook  processfatigue  eldoctorow  helenburgess  interstatehighways  cars  history  optimism  sustainability  boosterism  adamcurtis  thecenturyoftheself  statusanxiety  bladerunner  pollution  traffic  futurama  world'sfairs  1939  1964  ibm 
february 2016 by robertogreco
Una Vida Moderna | Vista de la terraza del jardín principal, Casa...
"Vista de la terraza del jardín principal, Casa Sotomayor, Paseo de la Reforma 320, Lomas de Chapultepec, Miguel Hidalgo, Mexico DF 1964

Arq. Manuel Gonzalez Rul

View of the terrace from the front garden, Casa Sotomayor, Paseo de la Reforma 320, Lomas de Chapultepec, Mexico City 1964"
modenism  architecture  design  mexico  mexicocity  mexicodf  manuelgonzálezrul  1964  homes  df 
april 2015 by robertogreco
I Am Cuba - Wikipedia
"I Am Cuba (Spanish: Soy Cuba; Russian: Я Куба, Ya Kuba) is a 1964 Soviet-Cuban film directed by Mikhail Kalatozov at Mosfilm. The film was not received well by either the Russian or Cuban public[1] and was almost completely forgotten until it was re-discovered by filmmakers in the United States thirty years later.[1] The acrobatic tracking shots and idiosyncratic mise en scene prompted Hollywood directors like Martin Scorsese to begin a campaign to restore the film in the early 1990s.

The film is shot in black and white, sometimes using infrared film obtained from the Soviet military[2] to exaggerate contrast (making trees and sugar cane almost white, and skies very dark but still obviously sunny). Most shots are in extreme wide-angle and the camera passes very close to its subjects, whilst still largely avoiding having those subjects ever look directly at the camera."

[via: “Holy shit 35mm print of I AM CUBA @BAMcinematek tonight http://www.bam.org/film/2015/i-am-cuba … jaw dropping 1964 Soviet-Cuban film https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0BhMGrdA2Ag
https://twitter.com/somebadideas/status/580812698327347200

“So glad I waited 20 years to see a film print of I AM CUBA. A movie that Scorsese & PTA worship? It's that good yeah https://vimeo.com/33360276
https://twitter.com/somebadideas/status/580926392830943232

“If we're going to call movies like SOY CUBA agitprop we should be calling bullshit like Transformers 4 agitprop; the might of global brands.”
https://twitter.com/somebadideas/status/580927144311857155

“Leaving you tonight with one of greatest shots in cinema history you'll never figure out how they did the 2nd half https://vimeo.com/16786506
https://twitter.com/somebadideas/status/580957893895282688 ]

[See also: http://www.avclub.com/article/the-new-cult-canon-ii-am-cubai-2282
http://www.nytimes.com/movie/review?res=990CE2DB1E39F93BA35750C0A963958260

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0058604/
"This study of Cuba--partially written by renowned poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko--captures the island just before it made the transition to a post-revolutionary society. Moving from city to country and back again, I AM CUBA examines the various problems caused by political oppression as well as by great discrepancies in wealth and power. Beginning in Havana in the pre-Castro era, we see how foreigners contributed to the city's prostitution and poverty; this sequence features dreamy, hallucinogenic camera work that creates a feeling of unease and dislocation. Then, in glorious images of palm tress and fertile land, the film looks at the sugar cane fields in the countryside, and the difficulties faced by peasants working the land. Finally, back in the city again, leftist students battle the police and a corrupt government--and pay a high price for their rebellion."]

[And related, a documentary about the film: “Soy Cuba, O Mamute Siberiano”:
https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ea09f08424a9 ]
soycuba  cuba  film  history  politics  1964  mikhailkalatozov  towatch 
march 2015 by robertogreco
Paris Review - The Art of Fiction No. 34, Jean Cocteau
"If the ideas come, one must hurry to set them down out of fear of forgetting them. They come once; once only. On the other hand, if I am obliged to do some little task—such as writing a preface or notice—the labor to give the appearance of easiness to the few lines is excruciating. I have no facility whatever. Yes, in one respect what you say is true. I had written a novel, then fallen silent. And the editors at the publishing house of Stock, seeing this, said, You have too great a fear of not writing a masterpiece. Write something, anything. Merely to begin. So I did—and wrote the first lines of Les Enfants Terribles. But that is only for beginnings—in fiction. I have never written unless deeply moved about something. The one exception is my play La Machine à Écrire. I had written the play Les Parents Terribles and it was very successful, and something was wanted to follow. La Machine à Écríre exists in several versions, which is very telling, and was an enormous amount of work. It is no good at all. Of course, it is one of the most popular of my works. If you make fifty designs and one or two please you least, these will nearly surely be the ones most liked. No doubt because they resemble something. People love to recognize, not venture. The former is so much more comfortable and self-flattering.

It seems to me nearly the whole of your work can be read as indirect spiritual autobiography. "
jeancocteau  resemblance  comfort  interviews  adventure  via:anne  1964  ideas  memory  forgetting  writing  howwewrite 
march 2015 by robertogreco
cloudhead - knowmad
"if a nomad is a person that roams and wanders in search of new pastures and hunting grounds rather than settling down permanently in one location * then …

A knowmad is a person that roams and wanders in search of new knowledge, skills, and experiences, rather than settling down permanently in one specialized silo of awareness.

A knowmad is not a nomadic knowledge worker …
roaming from coffee shop to boardroom with a laptop under her arm. The term doesn’t belong to the workplace because
a knowmad doesn’t work, she plays … like a child or an artist.

“The primitive hunter or fisherman did no work, any more than does the poet, painter, or thinker of today. Where the whole man is involved there is no work. Work begins with the division of labor and the specialization of functions”—McLuhan

* (nomas = wander, nomos = pasture)"


[Previous version when first bookmarked]

"if a nomad is a person that roams and wanders in search of new pastures and hunting grounds rather than settling down permanently in one location 
(nomas = wander, nomos = pasture)

then

a knowmad is a person that roams and wanders in search of new knowledge, new skills, experiences and insights, rather than settling down permanently in one specialized silo of awareness.

A knowmad is not a knowledge worker on the run …
roaming from coffee shop to boardroom with a laptop under her arm.
The term doesn’t belong to the workplace because 
a knowmad doesn’t work, she plays … like a child or an artist. 

“The primitive hunter or fisherman did no work, any more than does the poet, painter, or thinker of today. Where the whole man is involved there is no work. Work begins with the division of labor and the specialization of functions”—McLuhan"

[McLuhan quote from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Understanding_Media:_The_Extensions_of_Man ]
informationage  generalists  specialization  cv  roaming  wanderers  wanderlust  wanderingmind  neo-nomads  wandering  hunter-gatherer  labor  work  play  knowledgeworkers  knowledge  nomads  nomadism  1964  2012  cloudhead  marshallmcluhan  knowmads  shiftctrlesc  headmine 
august 2012 by robertogreco
Mario Savio: Sproul Hall Steps, December 2, 1964 - YouTube
"There is a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart, that you can't take part; you can't even passively take part, and you've got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus, and you've got to make it stop. And you've got to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless you're free, the machine will be prevented from working at all!"

[Via stonecast, see here: http://www.savio.org/who_was_mario.html ]

[More here: http://tinyurl.com/3b46o2 ]
mariosavio  politics  activism  freedom  anarchism  libertarianism  berkeley  history  1964  protest  themachine  organizations  bureaucracy  democracy  leadership 
november 2011 by robertogreco
Mould Manifesto against Rationalism in Architecture · Hundertwasser Manifestos and Texts · Hundertwasser
"Painting & sculpture are now free, inasmuch as anyone may produce any sort of creation & subsequently display it. In arch, however, this fundamental freedom, which must be regarded as precondition for any art, does not exist, for a person must first have diploma in order to build. Why?<br />
<br />
Everyone should be able to build…as long as this freedom to build does not exist, present-day planned architecture cannot be considered art…Our architecture has succumbed to same censorship as has painting in Soviet Union. All that has been achieved are detached & pitiable compromises by men of bad conscience who work w/ straight-edged rulers."<br />
<br />
"Addendum 1964: …architect’ only function should be that of technical advisor, i.e., answering questions regarding materials, stability, etc. The architect should be subordinate to occupant or at least to occupant’s wishes.<br />
<br />
All occupants must be free to create "outer skins"–must be free to determine & transform outward shell of domicile facing street."
architecture  environment  philosophy  1958  1959  1964  gaudí  wattstowers  simonrodia  artnouveau  sausalito  houseboats  slums  vernacular  vernaculararchitecture  democratic  colloquialarchitecture  design  modernism  mouldinessmanifesto  rationalism  hundertwasser  via:bopuc 
april 2011 by robertogreco
radarq.net
"That Man from Rio (L’Homme de Rio). Scene filmed in Oscar Niemeyer’s nascent Brasília. + alebenevides :Belmondo en Brasília (1964). Grandes vistas de la ciudad recién inaugurada. Aún era posible ver los campamentos de obreros en los márgenes del Lago Paranoá."
architecture  brasilia  brasil  modernism  oscarniemeyer  niemeyer  1964  urban  planning  cities  film  brazil  brasília 
december 2010 by robertogreco
Tuttle SVC: Goodman on Dewey - ""But the school, (Dewey) felt, could combine all the necessary elements:..."
"Paul Goodman, 1964:
Historically, the intent of Dewey was exactly the opposite of what the critics say. Progressive education appeared in this country in the intellectual, moral, and social crisis of the development of big centralized industrialism after the Civil War. It was the first thoroughgoing modern analysis of the crucial modern problem of every advanced country in the world: how to cope with high industrialism and scientific technology which are strange to people; how to restore competence to people who are becoming ignorant; how to live in rapidly growing cities so that they will not be mere urban sprawl; how to have a free society in mass conditions; how to make the high industrial system good for something, rather than a machine running for its own sake. [...]

The thought of John Dewey was part of a similar tendency in architecture, the functionalism of Louis Sullivan and Frank Lloyd Wright, that was trying to invent an urbanism and an esthetic suited to machine production and yet human; and it went with the engineering orientation of the economic and moral theory of Veblen. These thinkers wanted to train, teach--perhaps accustom is the best word--the new generation to the actualities of industrial and technical life, working practically with the machinery, learning by doing. People could then be at home in the modern world, and possibly become free. [...]

But the school, (Dewey) felt, could combine all the necessary elements: practical learning of science and technology, democratic community, spontaneous felling liberated by artistic expression, freedom to fantasize, the animal expression freed from the parson's morality and the schoolmaster's ruler. This constituted the whole of Deweyan progressive education. There would be spontaneous interest (including animal impulse), harmonized by art-working; this spontaneity would be controlled by the hard pragmatism of doing and making the doing actually work; and thus the young democratic community would learn the modern world and also have the will to change it. Progressive education was a theory of continual scientific experiment and orderly, nonviolent social revolution. (Compulsory Mis-education, pp. 50-52).

I'm not interested in any new vision of education which does not harmonize with a new urbanism."
paulgoodman  johndewey  education  progressive  urbanism  urban  change  reform  renewal  lcproject  1964  socialrevolution  democracy  activism 
july 2008 by robertogreco
Tuttle SVC: The present moment in progressive education
"Paul Goodman, 1964:
The program of progressive education always anticipates the crucial social problems that everybody will be concerned with a generation later, when it is too late for the paradisal solutions of progressive educators. This is the nature of the case. Essentially, progressive education is nothing but the attempt to naturalize, to humanize, each new social and technical development that is making traditional education irrelevant. It is not a reform of education, but a reconstruction in terms of the new era. If society would once adopt this reconstruction, we could at last catch up with ourselves and grow naturally into the future. But equally in the nature of the case, society rejects, half-accepts, bastardizes the necessary changes; and so we are continually stuck with "unfinished revolutions," as I called them in Growing up Absurd. Then occur the vast social problems that could have been avoided--that indeed the older progressive education had specifically addressed--but it is too late. And progressive educators stoically ask, What is the case now?

From Compulsory Mis-education, p 49."
paulgoodman  education  reform  1964  schools  policy  change  time  society  generations  progressive  revolution  lcproject 
july 2008 by robertogreco

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