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robertogreco : 1976   12

Jonah Who Will Be 25 in the Year 2000 - YouTube
"Clip from Jonas qui aura 25 ans en l'an 2000 (Alain Tanner, 1976); history teacher Marco explains time. These concepts are also set out in the historical note to Pig Earth by John Berger."

[via: https://twitter.com/zeynep/status/816021954255785986 ]
johnberger  alaintanner  1976  towatch  capitalism  progress  history  time  work  hierarchy  labor  society 
january 2017 by robertogreco
Bruce Conner, parsing the nuclear age - LA Times
"In the collective imagination, the mushroom cloud was only a vague if powerful picture. At Kohn Gallery, where a fully restored “Crossroads” is being projected on a large wall in the center gallery, that picture is writ large – turned over and around and studied closely, like an alien specimen held in the hand.

“Crossroads” was composed by editing and reassembling declassified government footage of a 1946 test blast at Bikini Atoll in the Pacific Ocean. Some 700 cameras recorded the underwater test – talk about overkill – which had been ordered to understand the blast’s effects on warships.

The goal was to prove that the nuclear threat, still brand new, did not render the American fleet obsolete, so that appropriations for naval defense contractors could continue.

Like Eadweard Muybridge’s early photographic motion studies, Conner’s film uses 27 black-and-white shots in extreme slow motion to create an almost abstract visual choreography. Original music by Patrick Gleeson and Terry Riley begins as a low rumble (think microphone static) and soon emerges as a propulsive electronic rhythm.

The first of the film’s two primary parts centers on startling, even mesmerizing sea-level views of the blast. Plumes open and swell like exotic flowers, no two alike. Then the camera rises into the sky.

From airplanes we get aerial views akin to that of Tiepolo’s gods, goddesses and personifications of virtue and vice surveying the follies of mere mortals below. The blast’s expanding cloud skitters across the surface of the sea, swallowing ships in its wake like Noe Peaks disappearing into San Francisco fog.

The film’s longest section comes at the end. A flat gray field slowly but steadily dissolves, like an old television set forming a picture of total annihilation. An enormous battleship emerges as a hulking black silhouette at the left.

Conner was a poet, not a polemicist. Yet, in its entirety, “Crossroads” might be seen as a metaphor for the way in which an astounding force – the atomic bomb – dispersed and steadily spread until it enveloped everything in sight."
bruceconner  2014  christopherknight  film  crossroads  1976  bikiniatoll 
december 2016 by robertogreco
Why the Economic Fates of America’s Cities Diverged - The Atlantic
"What accounts for these anomalous and unpredicted trends? The first explanation many people cite is the decline of the Rust Belt, and certainly that played a role."



"Another conventional explanation is that the decline of Heartland cities reflects the growing importance of high-end services and rarified consumption."



"Another explanation for the increase in regional inequality is that it reflects the growing demand for “innovation.” A prominent example of this line of thinking comes from the Berkeley economist Enrico Moretti, whose 2012 book, The New Geography of Jobs, explains the increase in regional inequality as the result of two new supposed mega-trends: markets offering far higher rewards to “innovation,” and innovative people increasingly needing and preferring each other’s company."



"What, then, is the missing piece? A major factor that has not received sufficient attention is the role of public policy. Throughout most of the country’s history, American government at all levels has pursued policies designed to preserve local control of businesses and to check the tendency of a few dominant cities to monopolize power over the rest of the country. These efforts moved to the federal level beginning in the late 19th century and reached a climax of enforcement in the 1960s and ’70s. Yet starting shortly thereafter, each of these policy levers were flipped, one after the other, in the opposite direction, usually in the guise of “deregulation.” Understanding this history, largely forgotten today, is essential to turning the problem of inequality around.

Starting with the country’s founding, government policy worked to ensure that specific towns, cities, and regions would not gain an unwarranted competitive advantage. The very structure of the U.S. Senate reflects a compromise among the Founders meant to balance the power of densely and sparsely populated states. Similarly, the Founders, understanding that private enterprise would not by itself provide broadly distributed postal service (because of the high cost of delivering mail to smaller towns and far-flung cities), wrote into the Constitution that a government monopoly would take on the challenge of providing the necessary cross-subsidization.

Throughout most of the 19th century and much of the 20th, generations of Americans similarly struggled with how to keep railroads from engaging in price discrimination against specific areas or otherwise favoring one town or region over another. Many states set up their own bureaucracies to regulate railroad fares—“to the end,” as the head of the Texas Railroad Commission put it, “that our producers, manufacturers, and merchants may be placed on an equal footing with their rivals in other states.” In 1887, the federal government took over the task of regulating railroad rates with the creation of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Railroads came to be regulated much as telegraph, telephone, and power companies would be—as natural monopolies that were allowed to remain in private hands and earn a profit, but only if they did not engage in pricing or service patterns that would add significantly to the competitive advantage of some regions over others.

Passage of the Sherman Antitrust Act in 1890 was another watershed moment in the use of public policy to limit regional inequality. The antitrust movement that sprung up during the Populist and Progressive era was very much about checking regional concentrations of wealth and power. Across the Midwest, hard-pressed farmers formed the “Granger” movement and demanded protection from eastern monopolists controlling railroads, wholesale-grain distribution, and the country’s manufacturing base. The South in this era was also, in the words of the historian C. Vann Woodward, in a “revolt against the East” and its attempts to impose a “colonial economy.”"



"By the 1960s, antitrust enforcement grew to proportions never seen before, while at the same time the broad middle class grew and prospered, overall levels of inequality fell dramatically, and midsize metro areas across the South, the Midwest, and the West Coast achieved a standard of living that converged with that of America’s historically richest cites in the East. Of course, antitrust was not the only cause of the increase in regional equality, but it played a much larger role than most people realize today.

To get a flavor of how thoroughly the federal government managed competition throughout the economy in the 1960s, consider the case of Brown Shoe Co., Inc. v. United States, in which the Supreme Court blocked a merger that would have given a single distributor a mere 2 percent share of the national shoe market.

Writing for the majority, Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren explained that the Court was following a clear and long-established desire by Congress to keep many forms of business small and local: “We cannot fail to recognize Congress’ desire to promote competition through the protection of viable, small, locally owned business. Congress appreciated that occasional higher costs and prices might result from the maintenance of fragmented industries and markets. It resolved these competing considerations in favor of decentralization. We must give effect to that decision.”

In 1964, the historian and public intellectual Richard Hofstadter would observe that an “antitrust movement” no longer existed, but only because regulators were managing competition with such effectiveness that monopoly no longer appeared to be a realistic threat. “Today, anybody who knows anything about the conduct of American business,” Hofstadter observed, “knows that the managers of the large corporations do their business with one eye constantly cast over their shoulders at the antitrust division.”

In 1966, the Supreme Court blocked a merger of two supermarket chains in Los Angeles that, had they been allowed to combine, would have controlled just 7.5 percent of the local market. (Today, by contrast there are nearly 40 metro areas in the U.S where Walmart controls half or more of all grocery sales.) Writing for the majority, Justice Harry Blackmun noted the long opposition of Congress and the Court to business combinations that restrained competition “by driving out of business the small dealers and worthy men.”

During this era, other policy levers, large and small, were also pulled in the same direction—such as bank regulation, for example. Since the Great Recession, America has relearned the history of how New Deal legislation such as the Glass-Steagall Act served to contain the risks of financial contagion. Less well remembered is how New Deal-era and subsequent banking regulation long served to contain the growth of banks that were “too big to fail” by pushing power in the banking system out to the hinterland. Into the early 1990s, federal laws severely limited banks headquartered in one state from setting up branches in any other state. State and federal law fostered a dense web of small-scale community banks and locally operated thrifts and credit unions.

Meanwhile, bank mergers, along with mergers of all kinds, faced tough regulatory barriers that included close scrutiny of their effects on the social fabric and political economy of local communities. Lawmakers realized that levels of civic engagement and community trust tended to decline in towns that came under the control of outside ownership, and they resolved not to let that happen in their time.

In other realms, too, federal policy during the New Deal and for several decades afterward pushed strongly to spread regional equality. For example, New Deal programs such as the Tennessee Valley Authority, the Bonneville Power Administration, and the Rural Electrification Administration dramatically improved the infrastructure of the South and West. During and after World War II, federal spending on the military and the space program also tilted heavily in the Sunbelt’s favor.

The government’s role in regulating prices and levels of service in transportation was also a huge factor in promoting regional equality. In 1952, the Interstate Commerce Commission ordered a 10-percent reduction in railroad freight rates for southern shippers, a political decision that played a substantial role in enabling the South’s economic ascent after the war. The ICC and state governments also ordered railroads to run money-losing long-distance and commuter passenger trains to ensure that far-flung towns and villages remained connected to the national economy.

Into the 1970s, the ICC also closely regulated trucking routes and prices so they did not tilt in favor of any one region. Similarly, the Civil Aeronautics Board made sure that passengers flying to and from small and midsize cities paid roughly the same price per mile as those flying to and from the largest cities. It also required airlines to offer service to less populous areas even when such routes were unprofitable.

Meanwhile, massive public investments in the interstate-highway system and other arterial roads added enormously to regional equality. First, it vastly increased the connectivity of rural areas to major population centers. Second, it facilitated the growth of reasonably priced suburban housing around high-wage metro areas such as New York and Los Angeles, thus making it much more possible than it is now for working-class people to move to or remain in those areas.

Beginning in the late 1970s, however, nearly all the policy levers that had been used to push for greater regional income equality suddenly reversed direction. The first major changes came during Jimmy Carter’s administration. Fearful of inflation, and under the spell of policy entrepreneurs such as Alfred Kahn, Carter signed the Airline Deregulation Act in 1978. This abolished the Civil Aeronautics Board, which had worked to offer rough regional parity in airfares and levels of service since 1938… [more]
us  cities  policy  economics  history  inequality  via:robinsonmeyer  2016  philliplongman  regulation  deregulation  capitalism  trusts  antitrustlaw  mergers  competition  markets  banks  finance  ronaldreagan  corporatization  intellectualproperty  patents  law  legal  equality  politics  government  rentseeking  innovation  acquisitions  antitrustenforcement  income  detroit  nyc  siliconvalley  technology  banking  peterganong  danielshoag  1950s  1960s  1970s  1980s  1990s  greatdepression  horacegreely  chicago  denver  cleveland  seattle  atlanta  houston  saltlakecity  stlouis  enricomoretti  shermanantitrustact  1890  cvannwoodward  woodrowwilson  1912  claytonantitrustact  louisbrandeis  federalreserve  minneapolis  kansascity  robinson-patmanact  1920s  1930s  miller-tydingsact  fdr  celler-kefauveract  emanuelceller  huberhumphrey  earlwarren  richardhofstadter  harryblackmun  newdeal  interstatecommercecommission  jimmycarter  alfredkahn  airlinederegulationact  1978  memphis  cincinnati  losangeles  airlines  transportation  rail  railroads  1980  texas  florida  1976  amazon  walmart  r 
march 2016 by robertogreco
SUMÉ - THE SOUND OF A REVOLUTION official website | Greenland's fight for independence began with a rock band
"SYNOPSIS
From 1973 to 1976 the Greenlandic rock band Sumé released three albums and changed the history of Greenland. The group’s political songs were the first to be recorded in the Greenlandic language – a language that prior to Sumé didn’t have words for “revolution” or “oppression”. After 250 years of Danish colonization Sumé set in motion a revival of Greenlandic culture and identity, and paved the way for a Greenlandic home rule government."

[Trailer on YouTube: https://youtu.be/BDm2DyPEnLo ]
music  revolution  greenland  documentary  towatch  film  independence  sumé  politics  oppression  denmark  history  1970s  1973  1974  1975  1976  culture  identity  resistance  language 
april 2015 by robertogreco
Space Age: A Game of Space Adventure for iOS and Mac
"Space Age is a game of cosmic adventure. Set in the retro-futuristic sci-fi world of 1976, it follows a small but determined band of intergalactic explorers who land on a seemingly uninhabited planet, Kepler-16. They soon discover there’s something both strange and familiar about this alien place…

Space Age is a graphic adventure in the vein of 1990s classics, reimagined for the new millennium and its amazing mobile devices. Told in grand cinematic style, orchestrally scored, and filled with drama, humor, and nostalgia, it's a golden-age science-fiction story come to immersive life."

[See also: https://itunes.apple.com/us/app/space-age-a-cosmic-adventure/id92238026/ ]
games  gaming  ios  edg  srg  2014  1990s  1976  retrofuturism  videogames 
november 2014 by robertogreco
play and place: transforming environments [.pdf]
"Before reading these programme notes it would be particularly valuable to reflect for a few moments upon any special places you had as a child and to jot down some notes for yourself. Were any of these places found or made by you? In what physical environment(s) were these places? What qualities made them special? What value do you think they might have offered in your development?"
place  play  education  pedagogy  children  1976  vermont  space  uk  leicestershire  caves  via:steelemaley 
march 2014 by robertogreco
The ARPANET Dialogues
"an archive of rare conversations within the contemporary social, political and cultural milieu"

Vol. I
Published on 9 October 2010
ARPANET Test 1975 with Marcel Broodthaers, Jane Fonda, Ronald Reagan & Edward Said…

Vol. II
Published on 14 March 2011
ARPANET Test June 1976 with Samir Amin, Steve Biko, Francis Fukuyama & Minoru Yamasaki…

Vol. III
Published on 1 November 2011
ARPANET Test March 1976 with Joseph Beuys, Juan Downey, Rosalind Krauss & Henry Moore…

Vol. IV
Published on 4 March 2012
ARPANET Test April 1976 with Jim Henson, Ayn Rand, Sidney Nolan & Yoko Ono…"

[See also: http://meaning.boxwith.com/projects/the-arpanet-dialogues and http://www.newscientist.com/blogs/culturelab/2011/04/so-reagan-signs-into-this-chatroom.html ]
satire  humor  internet  darpa  donaldlupton  artdubai2011  manifesta8  1975  1976  yokoono  sidneynolan  aynrand  jimhenson  henrymoore  rosalindkrauss  juandowney  josephbeuys  minoruyamasaki  francisfukuyama  stevebiko  samiramin  edwardsaid  ronaldreagan  janefonda  marcelbroodthaers  conversations  culture  philosophy  politics  netart  history  arpanet 
december 2012 by robertogreco
unphotographable: 1976, en una cárcel del uruguay: pájaros prohibidos. [English translation also on page]
los presos políticos uruguayos no pueden hablar sin permiso, silbar, sonreír, cantar, caminar rápido ni saludar a otro preso. tampoco pueden dibujar ni recibir dibujos de mujeres embarazadas, parejas, mariposas, estrellas ni pájaros.

didaskó pérez, maestro de escuela, torturado y preso por tener ideas ideológicas, recibe un domingo la vista de su hija milay, de cinco años. la hija le trae un dibujo de pájaros. los censores se lo rompen a la entrada de la cárcel.

al domingo siguiente, milay le trae un dibujo de árboles. los árboles no están prohibidos, y el dibujo pasa. didaskó le elogia la obra y le pregunta por los circulitos de colores que aparecen en las copas de los árboles, muchos pequeños círculos entre las ramas:

- “¿son naranjas? ¿qué frutas son?”

la niña lo hace callar:

- “shhhh…”

y en secreto le explica:

- “bobo. ¿no ves que son ojos? los ojos de los pájaros que te traje a escondidas.”
eduardogaleano  freedom  children  innocence  birds  uruguay  1985  1976  latinamerica  literature  writing  stories  love  revolution 
july 2011 by robertogreco
YouTube - First Time Tribe Encounter with Civilized Man (1976) - PART 1 - Yeha Noha
"This is incredible footage from documentary filkmaker Jean-Pierre Dutilleux shows the Toulambi tribe in Papua New Guinea meeting a white man for the first time."<br />
<br />
[Original, unedited footage without music: <br />
ªªhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BDvhVItiBFs ºº<br />
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vuXkT_mNJbo<br />
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-SxCJarZT-A<br />
ªªhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EoWDwF51RuQ ºº]
jean-pierredutilleux  toulambi  papuanewguinea  anthropology  via:cburell  curiosity  fear  man  firstcontact  1976  learning 
june 2011 by robertogreco
U.S.: Kissinger Rescinded Warning Against Condor Assassinations - IPS ipsnews.net
"Five days before the assassination in downtown Washington of former Chilean Defence Minister Orlando Letelier, then-Secretary of State Henry Kissinger rescinded instructions to U.S. ambassadors in Latin America's Southern Cone to warn the region's military regimes against carrying out "a series of international murders", according to documents released by the National Security Archive (NSA) here."
chile  1976  us  orlandoletelier  henrykissinger 
april 2010 by robertogreco

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