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Capitalism and the Urban Struggle | Boston Review
“One of the things that interests me is the simultaneity of what goes on in the urban network. Occupy Wall Street was about Wall Street, but Occupy movements sprung up in a hundred odd cities in the United States, and you can find Occupy movements in Europe and around the world. So the urban network is actually a very powerful set of political possibilities. Part of my argument is that we should be thinking about how to use the urban network and how to use the political power that lies with closing cities down or intervening in cities as part of what political struggle is all about.”



“DJ: Mainstream liberals who talk about urbanism focus a lot on environmentalism and culture. Cities promise greener forms of living, since they offer greater density and more efficient energy use. And these liberals obsess over green architecture, high-speed rail, and so on, as well as about cities as centers of “creative culture.” Would you say they’re guilty of a certain fetishism over green living and culture?

DH: Very much so. As I try to point out in the book, the culture industries are very much caught up in the search for monopoly rent. It’s interesting that they’re called “industries” these days, which means that there’s a commodification of culture and an attempt to commodify the cultural commons and even commodify history, which is an astonishing process.

A lot of the green stuff is about planting trees and making things look greener. But I’ve yet to see a really radical reconfiguration of urbanization that would really confront the questions of global warming. So the liberal view does that, but what it doesn’t pay attention to is the tremendous social inequalities that exist. In New York, the social inequalities are dramatic, and we have huge concentrations of what we call precarious and insecure, employed people in these cities. In a way it’s an urban proletariat that is engaging in the production and the reproduction of urban life, and I don’t see the liberals taking any notice of that as being a problem. I mean, the levels of social inequality in New York City are far, far greater now than they were 30 years ago, and I would not be at all surprised to see an urban insurrection going on over those levels of inequality.”



“DJ: There you argue that Murray Bookchin had a more reasonable answer to the problem of how to organize for large-scale reform, given the limits of horizontal, anti-hierarchical political structures.

DH: One of the things I criticize the left for is what I call “fetishism of organizational form,” and it’s not only anarchists. The communist parties of yore used to have a democratic centralist model from which they would never depart, and it had certain strengths and it had certain weaknesses. Now there are certain elements within the anarchist movement that now believe totally in this horizontality idea and will not contemplate anything that is hierarchical. So I say, “Well, look, you’re disempowering yourself by sticking to that as the only organizational form which is viable.”

Again, there are certain anarchists who think that it’s reasonable to negotiate with the state or to try to reform the state and certain anarchists who say they want nothing whatsoever with anything that looks like state power. I have problems with that. My concern would be to say, “Let’s try to think of an organizational form that can confront the nature of the problems that we face,” which include, by the way, the one that you talked about earlier about the global nature of the struggle. You cannot imagine that we could simply have socialism in New York City and nowhere else. We’ve got to start thinking about all of the international relations and international divisions of labor and the like. So I’m more concerned with finding a practical form of organization, which can confront the nature of the problems we face, and I find that these rather dogmatic assertions by the communists, on one hand, and some of the anarchists, on the other, that “This is the only form of organization which is acceptable” get in the way of a fluid discussion over what would be a good form of organization for political mobilization right now.

DJ: Do you think that we’ve come to any sort of promising conclusions about organizational form, or is this a debate that needs to take place over the course of many years?

DH: Oh, I think it’s a debate that’s unfolding, but it can unfold very rapidly. I mean, there are places in the world where people seem to have found ways to pin together both the horizontal and the hierarchical. I mention the case of El Alto in Bolivia, where that seems to have happened. There are other cases; I’ve been very impressed by the example of the Chilean student movement, which is very democratic and horizontal but at the same time accepts that there is a need for decisive leadership. As more and more models of that sort come to our attention, I think that more and more people will start to converge on a practical organizational form. At least that’s my hope. And I think what I was trying to do in the book was to contribute to that process by both critiquing fetishism and then talking about examples where it seems some mixture of organizational forms has been very successful.

DJ: Now that we’re in Spring, people in the Occupy movement are wondering, “Where do we go from here?” Can there be an Occupy movement without occupation—without actually occupying public spaces? It seems as though occupying public spaces is a very powerful form of protest that has succeeded in Egypt and elsewhere. So why not just continuing occupying?

DH: Well, I think there are intermediate forms of it. One example that I was talking about with some people the other day is the Madres de Plaza de Mayo in Argentina who, instead of occupying all the time, turned up once a week to a particular space to demonstrate over the question of what had happened to their disappeared children and grandchildren. Of course, they suffered a great deal of police harassment and in some cases violence, but they just kept coming there every week. We could do something like that: we could go to Zuccotti Park once a week and say, “Look, we are still here!” It could be a visible thing. Some weeks, there’d be 500 people there; maybe occasionally there’d be 5,000 people there. But if it became a tradition, that once a week we all went there to reassert the significance of our political movement, then this would be a very good step.

I think that one of the problems we have in New York City is that we have a vast amount of public space in which the public is not allowed to do what it wants. We have to liberate public spaces for these sorts of common political actions, and this is one of the arenas of struggle.

DJ: In terms of changing our politics, are there any steps that you think are promising? For example, some critics, such as Lawrence Lessig, point to money in politics as a central problem. There are others who talk about how we need more participatory democracy in place. Is there a political step that you think will make progress?

DH: There’s a political step that I think that we should take and be very clear about. This is what was so impressive about the Chilean student movement. They recognized very clearly that the situation they’re in was defined by what happened under Pinochet. Now Pinochet is dead, but they’re still living with the legacy of Pinochet. What they are struggling with is what you might call “Pinochetism.” In this country Reagan is long gone, but Reaganism has been doubled down on by the Republican Party in particular, but also accepted by large chunks of the Democratic Party. So we’ve got to go after Reaganism. In Britain, Thatcher is long gone, but we’ve got Thatcherism. In Egypt, Mubarak is gone, but Mubarakism is still there. So we’ve got to go after the systems of power and the systems of appropriation of wealth that have become pretty universalized right now, and we’ve got to see this as a real serious point of confrontation. As Warren Buffett says when asked if there’s class struggle, “Sure, there’s class struggle. It’s my class, the rich, who have been waging it, and we’ve been winning.” Our task, I think, is to turn it around and say, “His class shall not win.” And in order to do that, we’ve got to get rid of the whole neoliberal way of organizing contemporary capitalism.“
davidharvey  2012  capitalism  urban  urbanism  economics  democracy  cities  davidjohnson  henrilefebvre  righttothecity  anticapitalism  neoliberalism  politics  policy  liberalism  class  classstruggle  pinochet  warrenbuffett  chile  inequality  thatcherism  margaretthatcher  activism  murraybookchin  argentina  bolivia  ows  occupywallstreet  culture  society  green  greenliving  progress 
22 days ago by robertogreco
Greg Grandin reviews ‘Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American Cold War’ by Tanya Harmer · LRB 19 July 2012
"Harmer dispatches two myths favoured by those who blame the coup on Allende himself. The first is that his commitment to democracy was opportunistic and would soon have been abandoned. ‘One might even,’ Falcoff writes, ‘credit the Nixon administration with preventing the consolidation of Allende’s “totalitarian project”’. The second is that even if Allende wasn’t a fraud he was a fool, unleashing forces he could not control – for example, the left wing of Popular Unity, and the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria, which was further to the left of Allende’s coalition and drew inspiration from the Cuban Revolution, Cuba conceived here as a proxy for Moscow.

Harmer shows that Allende was a pacifist, a democrat and a socialist by conviction not convenience. He had an ‘unbending commitment to constitutional government’ and refused in the face of an ‘externally funded’ opposition ‘to take a different non-democratic or violent road’. He invoked history to insist that democracy and socialism were compatible, yet he knew that Chile’s experience was exceptional. During the two decades before his election, military coups had overthrown governments in 12 countries: Cuba in 1952; Guatemala and Paraguay in 1954; Argentina and Peru in 1962; Ecuador, the Dominican Republic, Honduras and again Guatemala in 1963; Brazil and Bolivia in 1964; and Argentina once more in 1966. Many of these coups were encouraged and sanctioned by Washington and involved subverting exactly the kind of civil-society pluralism – of the press, political parties and unions – that Allende promoted. So he was sympathetic to the Cuban Revolution and respected Castro, especially after he survived the CIA’s Bay of Pigs exploit in 1961. And when Allende won the presidency, he relied on Cuban advisers for personal security and intelligence operations.

But Cuba’s turn to one-party authoritarianism only deepened Allende’s faith in the durability of Chilean democracy. Socialism could be won, he insisted, through procedures and institutions – the ballot, the legislature, the courts and the media – that historically had been dominated by those classes most opposed to it. Castro warned him that the military wouldn’t abide by the constitution. Until at least early 1973 Allende believed otherwise. His revolution would not be confronted with the choice that had been forced on Castro: suspend democracy or perish. But by mid-1973, events were escaping Allende’s command. On 11 September he took his own life, probably with a gun Castro gave him as a gift. The left in the years after the coup developed its own critique of Allende: that, as the crisis hurtled toward its conclusion, he proved indecisive, failing to arm his supporters and train resistance militias, failing to shut down congress and failing to defend the revolution the way Castro defended his. Harmer presents these as conscious decisions, stemming from Allende’s insistence that neither one-party rule nor civil war was an acceptable alternative to defeat.

A photograph of Allende taken during his last hours shows him leaving the presidential palace, pistol in hand and helmet on head, flanked by bodyguards and looking up at the sky, watching for the bombs. The image is powerful yet deceptive, giving the impression that Allende had been at the palace when the coup started, and was beginning to organise resistance to it. But Allende wasn’t trapped in his office. He’d gone there earlier that morning, despite being advised not to, when he heard that his generals had rebelled. The Cubans were ready to arm and train a Chilean resistance and, Harmer writes, ‘to fight and die alongside Allende and Chilean left-wing forces in a prolonged struggle to defend the country’s revolutionary process’. But Allende ordered them not to put their plans into operation, and they listened: ‘The Chilean president,’ Harmer says, ‘was therefore far more in control of Cuba’s involvement in his country than previously thought.’ He also rejected the idea of retreating to the outskirts of Santiago and leading an armed resistance: in Harmer’s assessment, he committed suicide rather than give up his commitment to non-violent revolution.

Many, in Chile and elsewhere, refused to believe that Allende had killed himself. The story had to be that he was executed, like Zapata, Sandino, Guevara and others who died at the hands of traitors. Che fought to the end and had no illusions about the bourgeoisie and its democratic credentials. Allende’s legacy is more ambiguous, especially for today’s revived Latin American left, which despite its remarkable electoral success in recent decades still struggles to tame the market forces set free after the Chilean coup. In 2009 in Honduras, for instance, and last month in Paraguay, democratically elected presidents were unseated by ‘constitutional coups’. In both countries, their opponents dressed up what were classic putsches in the garb of democratic proceduralism, taking advantage of vague impeachment mechanisms to restore the status quo ante.

For Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), founded in 1980 by militant trade unionists including the future president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the coup in Chile reinforced the need to work with centrist parties to restore constitutional rule. Social issues weren’t completely sidelined, but attaining stability took precedence over class struggle; for the first time in Latin American history, a major left-wing party found itself fighting for political democracy as a value in itself, not as part of a broader campaign for social rights. ‘I thought a lot about what happened with Allende in Chile,’ Lula once said, referring to the polarisation that followed the 1970 election, when the Popular Unity coalition won with only a bit more than a third of the vote. That’s why he agreed to set the bar high for a PT win. During the Constituent Assembly debates leading up to the promulgation of Brazil’s 1988 post-dictatorship constitution, Lula insisted that if no one candidate received a majority in the first round of a presidential election, a run-off had to be held between the top two contenders, which would both give the winner more legitimacy and force him or her to reach out beyond the party base. Like Allende, Lula stood for president three times before winning at his fourth attempt. Unlike Allende, though, each time Lula ran and lost and ran again, he gave up a little bit more of the PT’s founding principles, so that the party went from pledging to overturn neoliberalism to promising to administer it more effectively.

In Venezuela, Hugo Chávez drew a different lesson from the defeat of the Popular Unity government. Soon after he was elected president in 1998, before coming out as a confrontationalist, indeed before he even identified himself as a socialist, Chávez began to compare himself to Allende. Wealthy Venezuelans were mobilising against even the mildest economic reforms, as their Chilean predecessors had done, taking to the streets, banging their pots and pans, attacking the government through their family-owned TV stations and newspapers, beating a path to the US embassy to complain, and taking money from Washington to fund their anti-government activities. In response, Chávez began to talk about 1973. ‘Like Allende, we are pacifists,’ he said of his supporters, including those in the military. ‘And like Allende, we are democrats. Unlike Allende, we are armed.’ The situation got worse and worse, culminating in the coup of April 2002 which, though unsuccessful, looked very like the coup against Allende. Chávez found himself trapped in the national palace speaking to Castro on the phone, telling him he was ready to die for the cause. Ever the pragmatist, Castro urged him to live to fight another day: ‘Don’t do what Allende did!’"
greggrandin  salvadorallende  history  marxism  socialism  democracy  2012  tanyaharmer  venezuela  economics  inequality  class  pacifism  cuba  fidelcastro  brazil  brasil  lula  luladasilva  latinamerica  us  richardnixon  intervention  revolution  government  argentina  honduras  guatemala  paraguay  perú  bolivia  hugochávez  pinochet  chile  henrykissinger  tanyharmer  coldwar  markfalcoff  dilmarousseff  authoritarianism  dictatorship 
april 2019 by robertogreco
Thread by @ecomentario: "p.31 ecoed.wikispaces.com/file/view/C.+A… ecoed.wikispaces.com/file/view/C.+A… p.49 ecoed.wikispaces.com/file/view/C.+A… ecoed.wikispaces.co […]"
[on Twitter: https://twitter.com/ecomentario/status/1007269183317512192 ]

[many of the captures come from: "From A Pedagogy for Liberation to Liberation from Pedagogy" by Gustavo Esteva, Madhu S. Prakash, and Dana L. Stuchul, which is no longer available online as a standalone PDF (thus the UTexas broken link), but is inside the following document, also linked to in the thread.]

[“Rethinking Freire: Globalization and the Environmental Crisis" edited by C.A.Bowers and Frédérique Apffel-Marglin
https://ecoed.wikispaces.com/file/view/C.+A.+Bowers,+Frdrique+Apffel-Marglin,+Frederique+Apffel-Marglin,+Chet+A.+Bowers+Re-Thinking+Freire+Globalization+and+the+Environmental+Crisis+Sociocultural,+Political,+and+Historical+Studies+in+Educatio+2004.pdf ]
isabelrodíguez  paulofreire  ivanillich  wendellberry  subcomandantemarcos  gandhi  2018  gustavoesteva  madhuprakash  danastuchul  deschooling  colonialism  future  environment  sustainability  cabowers  frédériqueapffel-marglin  education  campesinos  bolivia  perú  pedagogyoftheoppressed  globalization  marinaarratia  power  authority  hierarchy  horizontality  socialjustice  justice  economics  society  community  cooperation  collaboration  politics  progress  growth  rural  urban  altruism  oppression  participation  marginality  marginalization  karlmarx  socialism  autonomy  local  slow  small  capitalism  consumerism  life  living  well-being  consumption  production  productivity  gustavoterán  indigeneity  work  labor  knowledge  experience  culture  joannamacy  spirituality  buddhism  entanglement  interdependence  interbeing  interexistence  philosophy  being  individualism  chiefseattle  lutherstandingbear  johngrim  ethics  morethanhuman  multispecies  humans  human  posthumnism  transhumanism  competition  marxism  liberation  simplicity  poverty  civilization  greed  p 
june 2018 by robertogreco
A Portrait of La Paz, Bolivia: Shots by Its Children - Karen Malone, Monique Malone - Google Books
"This portrait of La Paz, was composed by Monique Malone using the photographs shot by the children of all three communities. These photographs portray the unexpected sides of everyday life in La Paz: the hardships, the celebrations, familial relations with humans and animals, simple encounters with the dirt, the light and the mountain. The results are raw, amusing and beautiful."

[See also: "Child Friendly Bolivia: Researching with Children in La Paz, Bolivia, Karen Malone"
https://books.google.com/books/about/Child_Friendly_Bolivia.html?id=Jv4JngEACAAJ

[via "Childen's Geographies of La Paz"
http://commonworlds.net/portfolio_page/childrens-geographies-of-la-paz/
Karen Malone is currently working on a place-based participatory research project with children and dogs residing in the high reaches of the valley of La Paz, Bolivia. This project explores – through photographic, mobile travel methodologies, and ecological posthumanist theorizing – child-dog-body co-habitation. This work raises ontological questions about privileging the human subject, and considers what might happen theoretically if agency was not the exclusive property of the child. The study seeks to challenge the idea that humans occupy a separate and privileged place among other beings and are exempt/separate/outside of the natural world. By interrogating differently these child-dog encounters in La Paz I, am deliberately seeking to notice, attend to and grapple with questions of child-dog cohabitation. I ask: How can child-dog intra-actions reveal the complexity, richness and diversity of what it means to be in La Paz? I do this in order to: (a) contribute to a reconsideration of intra-species relations and questions of the ‘human-centric’, ‘western-centric’, and ‘class-centric’ universalisms of current dominant voices in the ‘child nature’ movement; and (b) imagine what common world pedagogies of nature/outdoor /sustainability education might look like.
]

[See also: "Theorizing a child–dog encounter in the slums of La Paz using post-humanistic approaches in order to disrupt universalisms in current ‘child in nature’ debates"
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14733285.2015.1077369?journalCode=cchg20
This paper theorizes children's interspecies relation with dogs in La Paz Bolivia utilizing post-humanism and new materialism as its approach. This approach allows for the deconstructing of human–nature binaries found in discourses central to the children in nature movement. Questioning the universalizing of children's experience in nature the paper considers three propositions. Firstly, what if children were viewed as nature rather than outside of it. Secondly, can the objects or ‘things’ of nature be viewed as animated. And finally, how sensitive is the contemporary imperative to reconnect children to a romanticized more natured life, to children's diverse worldly experiences. I explore these propositions drawing on a study where I have adopted a materialist ontology and theorized using the work of [Barad, Karen. 2007. Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning. Durham, NC: Duke University Press] and her concept of intra-action as adopted by Rautio [2013a. “Children Who Carry Stones in Their Pockets: On Autotelic Material Practices in Everyday Life.” Children's Geographies 11 (4): 394–408]. Based on my child–dog interspecies exploration, I will conclude by re-addressing the three propositions.
]
lapaz  bolivia  karenmalone  children  photography  classideas  openstudioproject  moniquemalone 
may 2018 by robertogreco
The end of post-neoliberalism | openDemocracy
"The time when dictatorships and neoliberal governments in Latin America were replaced by several progressive governments which benefited the poor without seriously affecting the income of the rich is coming to an end. Governments are back on the Right track. This signals a new time when unity of the popular sectors is once again the only way forward.

Latin America was the only continent where neoliberal options were adopted in several countries. After a series of US supported military dictatorships carrying the neoliberal project, reactions were swift. They culminated in the rejection, in 2005, of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and Canada, which came as a result of a joint effort by social movements, leftist political parties, non-governmental organizations and Christian churches.

The new governments of Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Ecuador, Paraguay and Bolivia put into effect policies which reestablished the role of the state in redistributing wealth, reorganizing public services, particularly access to healthcare and education and investment in public works. A more suitable share of the revenue from the exploitation of natural resources (oil, gas, minerals, agricultural produce) was negotiated between multinational corporations and the state, and the decade-long favourable international market situation allowed a significant increase in national income for these countries.

To talk about the end of a cycle conveys the idea of some sort of historical determinism that suggests the inevitability of the alternation of power between the Left and the Right - an inadequate concept if the goal is to replace an oligarchy’s hegemony by popular democratic regimes. On the assumption that the new governments were post-neoliberal but not post-capitalist, a number of factors allow us to suggest, however, that we are witnessing an exhaustion of the post-neoliberal experiences.

Obviously, it would be delusory to think that “instant” socialism is at all possible in a capitalist world during a systemic and therefore particularly aggressive crisis. The question of a necessary transition arises."
2016  latinamerica  progressivism  neoliberalism  brazil  brasil  argentina  uruguay  nicaragua  venezuela  ecuador  paraguay  bolivia  oligarchy  government  policy  development  economics  françoishoutart 
july 2016 by robertogreco
The Internet Isn't Available in Most Languages - The Atlantic
"Tweet, tuít, or giolc? These were the three iterations of a Gaelic version of the word “tweet” that Twitter’s Irish translators debated in 2012. The agonizing choice between an Anglicized spelling, a Gaelic spelling, or the use of the Gaelic word for “tweeting like a bird” stalled the project for an entire year. Finally, a small group of translators made an executive decision to use the Anglicized spelling of “tweet” with Irish grammar. As of April 2015, Gaelic Twitter is online.

Indigenous and under-resourced cultures face a number of obstacles when establishing their languages on the Internet. English, along with a few other languages like Spanish and French, dominates the web. People who speak these languages often take for granted access to social-media sites with agreed-upon vocabularies, built-in translation services, and basic grammar and spell-checkers.

For Gaelic, a minority language spoken by only two to three percent of the Irish population, it can be difficult to access these digital services. And even languages with millions of speakers can lack the resources needed to make the Internet relevant to daily life.

In September of this year, the Broadband Commission for Digital Development, an organization established five years ago to monitor the growth and use of the Internet around the world, released its 2015 report on the state of broadband. The report argues that representation of the world's languages online remains one of the major challenges in expanding the Internet to reach the four billion people who don’t yet have access.

At the moment, the Internet only has webpages in about five percent of the world's languages. Even national languages like Hindi and Swahili are used on only .01 percent of the 10 million most popular websites. The majority of the world’s languages lack an online presence that is actually useful.

Ethnologue, a directory of the world’s living languages, has determined that 1,519 out of the 7,100 languages spoken today are in danger of extinction. For these threatened languages, social-networking sites like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, which rely primarily on user-generated content, as well as other digital platforms like Google and Wikipedia, have a chance to contribute to their preservation. While the best way to keep a language alive is to speak it, using one’s native language online could help.

The computational linguistics professor Kevin Scannell devotes his time to developing the technical infrastructure—often using open-source software—that can work for multiple languages. He’s worked with more than 40 languages around the world, his efforts part of a larger struggle to promote under-resourced languages. “[The languages] are not part of the world of the Internet or computing,” he says. “We’re trying to change that mindset by providing the tools for people to use.”

One such under-resourced language is Chichewa, a Bantu language spoken by 12 million people, many of whom are in the country of Malawi. According to Edmond Kachale, a programmer who began developing a basic word processor for the language in 2005 and has been working on translating Google search into Chichewa for the last five years, his language doesn’t have sufficient content online. This makes it difficult for its speakers to compete in a digital, globalized world. “Unless a language improves its visibility in the digital world,” he says, “it is heading for extinction.”

In Malawi, over 60 percent of the population lacks Internet access; but Kachale says that “even if there would be free Internet nation-wide, chances are that [Chichewa speakers] may not use it at all because of the language barrier.” The 2015 Broadband Report bears Kachale’s point out. Using the benchmark of 100,000 Wikipedia pages in any given language, it found that only 53 percent of the world’s population has access to sufficient content in their native language to make use of the Internet relevant.

People who can’t use the Internet risk falling behind economically because they can’t take advantage of e-commerce. In Malawi, Facebook has become a key platform for Internet businesses, even though the site has not yet been translated into Chichewa. Instead, users tack-on a work-around browser plug-in, a quick-fix for languages that don’t have official translations for big social-media sites.

“Unless a language improves its visibility in the digital world, it is heading for extinction.”
In 2014, Facebook added 20 new languages to its site and launched several more this year, bringing it to more than 80 languages. The site also opens up languages for community-based translation. This option is currently available for about 50 languages, including Aymara, an indigenous language spoken mainly in Bolivia, Peru, and Chile. Though it has approximately 2 million speakers, UNESCO has designated Aymara as “vulnerable.” Beginning in May of 2014, a group of 20 volunteer translators have been chipping away at the 25,000 words used on the site—and the project is on course to be finished by Christmas.

The project is important because it will encourage young people to use their native language. “We are sure when Aymara is available on Facebook as an official language, it will be a source of motivation for Aymara people,” says Elias Quisepe Chura, who manages the translation effort (it happens primarily online, unsurprisingly via a Facebook page).

Ruben Hilari, another member of the translation team, told the Spanish newspaper El Pais, “Aymara is alive. It does not need to be revitalized. It needs to be strengthened and that is exactly what we are doing. If we do not work for our language and culture today, it will be too late tomorrow to remember who we are, and we will always feel insecure about our identity.”

Despite its reputation as the so-called information superhighway, the Internet is only legible to speakers of a few languages; this limit to the web’s accessibility proves that it can be as just as insular and discriminative as the modern world at large."
internet  languages  language  linguistics  2015  translation  insularity  web  online  gaelic  hindi  swahili  kevinscannell  via:unthinkingly  katherineschwab  edmondkachele  accessibility  enlgish  aymara  rubenhilari  eliasquisepechura  bolivia  perú  chile  indigenous  indigeneity  chichewa  bantu  google  kevinsannell  twitter  facebook  instagram  software  computation  computing  inclusivity 
january 2016 by robertogreco
Skateboarding in Pine Ridge - The South Dakota Build Documentary - YouTube
"We joined the Stronghold Society and Grindline Skate Parks and went to Pine Ridge, South Dakota to finish one skate park and build another in the neighboring town of Manderson."

[Also at: https://vimeo.com/142320599 ]

[Related:

"Skateboarding in Oakland - Town Park Documentary"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DdYahLP1tH4

"In the Fall of 2014, Levi's Skateboarding (http://www.levi.com/skateboarding) partnered with Keith "K-Dub" Williams in West Oakland to revamp the existing Town Park Skate Park. Along the way a documentary was shot to tell a story of K-Dub, Town Park, West Oakland, and those who skate there. This documentary highlights the importance of skate parks for communities and the youth."

Skateboarding in India Full Length Documentary (UNCENSORED)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l0C0A9vCInc

"We joined the Holystoked skateboarding crew from Bangalore and the 2er building crew from Hannover, along with 24 skateboarders and skatepark builders from around the world to build the first, free public use skate park in India.

Pro skateboarders Chet Childress, Al Partanen, Stefan Janoski, Omar Salazar, Lennie Burmeister, and Rob Smith all joined in on the build of the skatepark before skating the finished project."

SKATEBOARDING IN LA PAZ (Full-length Documentary)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N0ZKykvnEoM

"In April of 2014, Levi's® Skateboarding joined Bolivian skater Milton Arellano in reuniting with the endboss projects crew from Hannover, along with over a 100 skateboarders and skatepark builders from around the world, to build a public skatepark in La Paz, Bolivia.

See pro skateboarders Marius Syvanen, David Gravette, Josh Matthews, Joey Pepper, Chet Childress, and Al Partanen live, work, and skate the Pura Pura skatepark three miles up in the sky."

"Skateboarding in Johannesburg"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ba4TjXlwse4

"Led by Jamie O'Brien of Woodie's Skate Ramps, Levi's® Skateboarding South Africa helped revitalize a local skatepark in the Johannesburg suburb of Edenvale. Check out the skateboarding video to learn more."]
skateboarding  southdakota  india  bolivia  lapaz  oakland  film  documentary  skating  skateboards 
october 2015 by robertogreco
Sounds and Colours | South American music and culture magazine
"WHAT IS SOUNDS AND COLOURS?

Sounds and Colours is a magazine about South American music and culture. Through regular articles, news, reviews and audiovisual features we focus on the diverse cultures of the South American continent with music, film and the arts at the core of what we do.

WHAT MAKES SOUNDS AND COLOURS UNIQUE?

Sounds and Colours began in order to promote South American music and culture. We felt that Latin American culture was often shown through a narrow lens, missing much of the diversity that makes it such a rich culture. Our aim from day one has been to show all sides of South American culture, especially those that have been under-represented in the past.

WHO IS BEHIND SOUNDS AND COLOURS?

Sounds and Colours started in May 2010 by a team devoted to South America and its culture."
brazil  brasil  argentina  chile  colombia  perú  uruguay  paraguay  southamerica  culture  music  bolivia  venezuela  ecuador  playlists  mixtapes 
december 2014 by robertogreco
Bolivia passes "Law of Mother Earth" which gives rights to our planet as a living system | Minds
"The Law of Mother Earth ("Ley de Derechos de La Madre Tierra") holds the land as sacred and holds it as a living system with rights to be protected from exploitation, and creates 11 distinguished rights for the environment. It was passed by Bolivia's Plurinational Legislative Assembly. This 10 article law is derived from the first part of a longer draft bill, drafted and released by the Pact of Unity by November 2010. Can we please spread this law? There has to be a way for the free market to interoperate with reverence for this planet. Period.

In accordance with the philosophy of Pachamama, it states, "She is sacred, fertile and the source of life that feeds and cares for all living beings in her womb. She is in permanent balance, harmony and communication with the cosmos. She is comprised of all ecosystems and living beings, and their self-organisation."

"It makes world history. Earth is the mother of all," said Vice-President Alvaro García Linera. "It establishes a new relationship between man and nature, the harmony of which must be preserved as a guarantee of its regeneration."

The law enumerates seven specific rights to which Mother Earth and her constituent life systems, including human communities, are entitled to:

• To life: It is the right to the maintenance of the integrity of life systems and natural processes which sustain them, as well as the capacities and conditions for their renewal

• To the Diversity of Life: It is the right to the preservation of the differentiation and variety of the beings that comprise Mother Earth, without being genetically altered, nor artificially modified in their structure, in such a manner that threatens their existence, functioning and future potential

• To water: It is the right of the preservation of the quality and composition of water to sustain life systems and their protection with regards to contamination, for renewal of the life of Mother Earth and all its components

• To clean air: It is the right of the preservation of the quality and composition of air to sustain life systems and their protection with regards to contamination, for renewal of the life of Mother Earth and all its components

• To equilibrium: It is the right to maintenance or restoration of the inter-relation, interdependence, ability to complement and functionality of the components of Mother Earth, in a balanced manner for the continuation of its cycles and the renewal of its vital processes

• To restoration: It is the right to the effective and opportune restoration of life systems affected by direct or indirect human activities

• To live free of contamination: It is the right for preservation of Mother Earth and any of its components with regards to toxic and radioactive waste generated by human activities

Sources:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Law_of_the_Rights_of_Mother_Earth

http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/apr/10/bolivia-enshrines-natural-worlds-rights

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/04/13/bolivias-law-of-mother-earth_n_848966.html

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/14/science/earth/14bolivia.html

http://www.newser.com/story/116229/bolivia-to-give-nature-same-rights-as-humans.html "
bolivia  law  legal  environment  sustainability  motherearth  2014  air  water  life  biodiversity  cleanair  restoration 
october 2014 by robertogreco
Con la nueva burguesía aymara nace en Bolivia la arquitectura “neoandina” — La Jornada
[See also: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vkkPSpokAXg
http://artecontemporaneoboliviano.blogspot.com/2014/03/la-arquitectura-de-freddy-mamani.html
http://blog.salinasanchez.com/2014/03/arquitectura-andina-de-bolivia-de-freddy-mamani-silvestre/
http://www.nuevacronica.com/pinacoteca/mamani-silvestre-freddy/ ]

"El Alto. Con su estilo barroco y atrevido, lleno de símbolos andinos, las minimansiones que afloran en las calles de El Alto, la pujante ciudad pegada a La Paz que crece a paso acelerado, no pasan inadvertidas.

Identifican a nuevos ricos indígenas, muchos de ellos comerciantes informales que hicieron fortuna vendiendo cosas en la calle. Sus propietarios a menudo invierten millones de dólares en edificios opulentos y gastan fortunas en salones de bailes con colores brillantes.

"Son una nueva burguesía aymara que migró del campo y logró éxito en el comercio", a la que además le gusta ostentar su cultura a la par que su poder económico, dice el antropólogo jesuita Xavier Albó.

Las minimansiones combinan arquitectura moderna con diseños tradicionales y reflejan sobre todo dos cosas: la riqueza de los dueños y su condición de aymaras. Hay unos 120 edificios de ese tipo en Bolivia, la mayoría de ellos en la gigantesca barriada pobre de El Alto, según la historiadora de la arquitectura Elisabetta Andreoli, quien describe el estilo como "neoandino". Y hay muchas más bajo construcción.

La mayoría surgieron tras la llegada a la presidencia de Evo Morales, el primer gobernante indígena del país, un aymara, en el 2006. Y coinciden con un modesto boom económico, producto de los buenos precios de las materias primas, y de un creciente orgullo que sienten los aymaras por su cultura. La industria de la construcción creció un 8.6% el año pasado, a un ritmo que es dos veces el del crecimiento económico en general.

Descendientes de los tiwanacotas, uno de los pueblos andinos más antiguos, los aymaras nunca fueron sometidos, ni siquiera por los incas, y se expandieron por el norte de Chile, el sur de Perú y en Bolivia son la etnia más influyente. El Alto es su hechura."
architecture  bolivia  aymara  neoandina  2014  design  via:javierarbona  cholets  evomorales  lapaz  elalto  freddymamanisilvestre 
may 2014 by robertogreco
Memory in Latin America
"...the news headlines include a number of stories that reflect the persistence of a past that is everlasting and does not wish to pass... (Jelin, State Repression and the Struggles for Memory, 2003)"
chile  colombia  argentina  perú  brasil  brazil  guatemala  haiti  bolivia  paraguay  uruguay  venezuela  suriname  nicaragua  mexico  latinamerica  elsalvador  domincanrepublic  history  place  memory  blogs 
december 2013 by robertogreco
Cumbia: The Musical Backbone Of Latin America : Alt.Latino : NPR
"Whether you're in a convenience store in Ushuaia, the southernmost tip of Argentina, Mexico City or East L.A., you're likely to hear cumbia blaring from a stereo. In Latin America, no musical style has been as widespread, unifying and, I would argue, misunderstood as cumbia.

Gustavo Cordera, of the Argentine rock group La Bersuit Vergarabat, once said in an interview: "Latin rock feels jealous of cumbia music." He was on to something: Cumbia is the musical backbone of the continent. The first time I really listened to cumbia, as a teenager, it was like running my own fingers down the backbone of my identity. These vertebrae, aligned in a 2/4 beat, had always been there; they were hard and unmovable. Cumbia. And something else I wouldn't be able to define until I left my country: Latinidad. Latin-ness.

I asked co-host Felix Contreras when he fell in love with cumbia; whether he rejected it and came back to it. He said it was always part of him, through his parents. At every party and gathering, it was there, blaring, sometimes in the background, sometimes enjoyed in song and dance. Felix and I are very different — we are far apart in origin and culture and generation — but our musical backbone is the same."
music  latinamerica  alt.latino  npr  2013  history  cumbia  mexico  argentina  eastla  losangeles  colombia  perú  bolivia 
october 2013 by robertogreco
Think there's no alternative? Latin America has a few | Seumas Milne | Comment is free | The Guardian
"Not only have leaders from Ecuador to Venezuela delivered huge social gains – they keep winning elections too"

"Ecuador is now part of a well-established pattern. Last October the much reviled but hugely popular Hugo Chávez, who returned home on Monday after two months of cancer treatment in Cuba, was re-elected president of Venezuela with 55% of the vote after 14 years in power in a ballot far more fraud-proof than those in Britain or the US. That followed the re-election of Bolivia's Evo Morales, Latin America's first indigenous president, in 2009; the election of Lula's nominated successor Dilma Rousseff in Brazil in 2010; and of Cristina Fernandez in Argentina in 2011.

Despite their differences, it's not hard to see why. Latin America was the first to experience the disastrous impact of neoliberal dogma and the first to revolt against it. Correa was originally elected in the wake of an economic collapse so devastating that one in 10 left the country. Since then his "citizen's revolution" has cut poverty by nearly a third and extreme poverty by 45%. Unemployment has been slashed, while social security, free health and education have been rapidly expanded – including free higher education, now a constitutional right – while outsourcing has been outlawed."
latinamerica  brasil  argentina  ecuador  bolivia  government  politics  media  economics  reform  poverty  2013  brazil 
february 2013 by robertogreco
Americas South and North
"We are a collective of historians who study, analyze, and think about Latin America from a variety of time periods, countries, and topics. Out interests range from the borderlands region of Mexico to the southern part of Chile; from indigenous peoples and religion in colonial Latin America to middle-class cultures in the late-20th century; from gender history to human rights struggles; and much, much more. We started this blog to provide a forum to write, think about, and generally discuss Latin American history, culture, peoples, politics, and the place of Latin America in the region and the world. Here’s who we are, and you can contact us at americassouthandnorth@gmail.com and follow us on twitter @AmSouthandNorth."
panamá  honduras  elsalvador  costarica  guatemala  ecuador  bolivia  venezuela  colombia  uruguay  paraguay  argentina  brasil  brazil  chile  mexico  blogs  latinamerica  perú 
december 2012 by robertogreco
Rebecca Solnit on Hope on Vimeo
"Despair is a black leather jacket in which everyone looks good, while hope is a frilly pink dress few dare to wear. Rebecca Solnit thinks this virtue needs to be redefined.

Here she takes to our pulpit to deliver a sermon that looks at the remarkable social changes of the past half century, the stories the mainstream media neglects and the big surprises that keep on landing.

She explores why disaster makes us behave better and why it's braver to hope than to hide behind despair's confidence and cynicism's safety.

History is not an army. It's more like a crab scuttling sideways. And we need to be brave enough to hope change is possible in order to have a chance of making it happen."
mainstreammedia  davidgraeber  venezuela  indigeneity  indigenousrights  indigenous  us  mexico  ecuador  anti-globalization  latinamerica  bolivia  evamorales  lula  cynicism  uncertainty  struggle  paulofreire  barackobama  georgewbush  humanrights  insurgency  hosnimubarak  egypt  yemen  china  saudiarabia  bahrain  change  protest  tunisia  optimism  future  environment  contrarians  peterkro  peterkropotkin  worldbank  imf  globaljustice  history  freemarkets  freetrade  media  globalization  publicdiscourse  neoliberalism  easttimor  syria  control  power  children  brasil  argentina  postcapitalism  passion  learning  education  giftgiving  gifteconomy  gifts  politics  policy  generosity  kindness  sustainability  life  labor  work  schooloflife  social  society  capitalism  economics  hope  2011  anti-authoritarians  antiauthority  anarchy  anarchism  rebeccasolnit  brazil  shrequest1  luladasilva 
february 2012 by robertogreco
‪The Bolivian Doctrine part1‬‏ - YouTube
"A current affairs docu-report about the attempts by the first socialist indigenous president Evo Morales to change and indigenize the educational system in Bolivia. This docu-report is shot in October 2009 just as the first 5-year period of Evo Morales as president is finishing and the country is preparing for new elections."
bolivia  evomorales  2009  education  decolonization  indigenousrights  indigenous  policy  government 
august 2011 by robertogreco
Latin American Pamphlets
"Harvard's Widener Library is the repository of many scarce and unique Latin American pamphlets published during the 19th and the early 20th centuries. One of the few institutions to have consistently collected Latin American pamphlets, Harvard has benefited from collections formed by Luis Montt (Chile), Nicolás Acosta (Bolivia), Manuel Segundo Sánchez (Venezuela), José Augusto Escoto (Cuba), Blas Garay (Paraguay), Charles Sumner, John B. Stetson and others. Chile, Cuba, Bolivia and Mexico are the countries most heavily represented in this collection.

These pamphlets are valuable primary resources for students and researchers working on Latin American history. They document the emergence of the Latin American colonies as independent states, and illuminate many aspects of their populations' social and cultural life. Many pamphlets are devoted to boundary disputes, territorial expansion, the description of unexplored territories and the relationship between Church and State…"
history  latinamerica  chile  pamphlets  cuba  bolivia  mexico  paraguay  venezuela  primarysources 
july 2011 by robertogreco
CDI - Center for Digital Inclusion
"Our mission is to transform lives and strengthen low-income communities by empowering people with information and communication technology. We use technology as a medium to fight poverty, stimulate entrepreneurship and create a new generation of changemakers"

"Founded in 1995, pioneer of the digital inclusion movement in Latin America, CDI (Center for Digital Inclusion) is one of the leading social enterprises in the world with a unique socio-educational approach. CDI Founder and Ashoka Fellow Rodrigo Baggio and our work at CDI have been recognized with more than 60 international awards. Today, we are a network of 816 self-managed and self-sustaining CDI Community Centers throughout Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay – monitored and coordinated by our 32 regional offices."
education  design  technology  social  community  latinamerica  brasil  argentina  bolivia  chile  colombia  ecuador  mexico  paraguay  perú  uruguay  digitalinclusion  cdi  poverty  activism  digitaldivide  learning  grassroots  computers  software  ngo  brazil 
june 2011 by robertogreco
Granta 113: The Best of Young Spanish-Language Novelists | Magazine | Granta Magazine
"From Borges to Bolaño, Spanish has given us some of most beloved writers of 20th & 21st centuries. But as reach of Spanish-language culture extends far beyond Spain & Latin America, & as US tilts towards majority Hispanic population, it is time to ask who is next…22 literary stars of future.

Andrés Barba –Spain, 1975
Oliverio Coelho –Argentina, 1977
Andrés Ressia Colino –Uruguay, 1977
Federico Falco –Argentina, 1977
Pablo Gutiérrez –Spain, 1978
Rodrigo Hasbún –Bolivia, 1981
Sònia Hernández –Spain, 1976
Carlos Labbé –Chile, 1977
Javier Montes –Spain, 1976
Elvira Navarro –Spain, 1978
Matías Néspolo –Argentina, 1975
Andrés Neuman –Argentina, 1977
Alberto Olmos –Spain, 1975
Pola Oloixarac –Argentina, 1977
Antonio Ortuño –Mexico, 1976
Patricio Pron –Argentina, 1975
Lucía Puenzo –Argentina, 1976
Santiago Roncagliolo –Peru, 1975
Andrés Felipe Solano –Colombia, 1977
Samanta Schweblin –Argentina, 1978
Carlos Yushimito –Peru, 1977
Alejandro Zambra –Chile, 1975"
literature  chile  argentina  spain  españa  español  bolivia  mexico  colombia  perú  uruguay  spanish  literatura  novelists 
december 2010 by robertogreco
Un Techo para mi País
"MISIÓN: Mejorar la calidad de vida de las familias que viven en situación de pobreza a través de la construcción de viviendas de emergencia y la ejecución de planes de habilitación social, en un trabajo conjunto entre jóvenes voluntarios universitarios y estas comunidades. Queremos denunciar la realidad de los asentamientos precarios en que viven millones de personas en Latinoamérica e involucrar a la sociedad en su conjunto, logrando que se comprometa con la tarea de construir un continente más solidario, justo y sin exclusión."
activism  architecture  argentina  chile  haiti  perú  bolivia  brasil  latinamerica  colombia  costarica  ecuador  elsalvador  guatemala  honduras  mexico  nicaragua  panamá  paraguay  dominicanrepublic  uruguay  social  housing  volunteerism  glvo  yearoff  charity  community  untechoparamipaís  brazil 
november 2010 by robertogreco
Global Voices in English » Getting to Know the Global Voices Latin America Team
"As outgoing Editor for Latin America, I have seen the Global Voices team from Latin America grow tremendously over the past three years. Each of the volunteer authors has dedicated time and energy to serve the mission of Global Voices, and to share their part of the world with a global audience. At any given time, each of the countries that make up the Latin American region has been represented by a talented blogger tasked with the challenge of presenting a wide range of issues in a balanced and fair manner. Now that I am moving on to take the helm at Rising Voices, I am eager to see how the team will take the coverage of such a diverse region to greater heights under the leadership of the new Latin America Editor, Silvia Viñas. Continuing a recent tradition, let's meet some of these amazing people that have been part of the Latin American team (in alphabetical order by first name)."
globalvoices  blogs  blogging  chile  argentina  mexico  uruguay  colombia  perú  paraguay  costarica  guatemala  venezuela  latinamerica  dominicanrepublic  ecuador  honduras  panamá  nicaragua  bolivia  elsalvador  cuba  spanish  español  portuguese 
september 2010 by robertogreco
Next Stop - Jujuy Region of Argentina Maintains Its Mystical Allure - NYTimes.com
"In a country likened more to Europe than the rest of Latin America, Jujuy stands apart.

Here, pagan rituals overshadow Catholic beliefs, medicine men are sometimes preferred to doctors, and everyone, regardless of ancestry, embraces an indigenous heritage that dates back to the 10th century.

“The culture of Jujuy has little to do with the rest of the country,” said Héctor Tizón, a renowned Argentine writer born in a small town near the province’s capital, San Salvador de Jujuy. “The culinary arts, the music, customs and architecture are autochthonous.”

But perhaps the most singular aspect of Jujuy is its dramatic landscape: more than 20,000 square miles of salt deserts, untamed jungles and an endless maze of multicolored rocky mountains rising up to 16,000 feet, threaded by a scenic ravine called Quebrada de Humahuaca — a onetime Inca trade route leading north to Bolivia, now a Unesco World Heritage site."
argentina  jujuy  bolivia  travel 
august 2010 by robertogreco
BBC NEWS | World | Americas | Meeting Spain's last anarchist
"He is the only survivor still alive of the anarchist Durruti column which held Francoist forces at bay in Madrid during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and the founder of an anarchist community in the heart of the jungle."
anarchism  politics  spain  history  bolivia  españa 
july 2008 by robertogreco
CounterPunch: "America's Best Political Newsletter" - Noam Chomsky on the Hopeful Signs Across Latin America
"Chile is claimed as being a market economy but that's highly misleading: its main export is a very efficient state owned copper company nationalized under Allende. You don't get correlations like this in economics very often. Adherence to the neoliberal
chile  bolivia  business  economics  politics  history  latinamerica  argentina  brasil  brazil 
march 2008 by robertogreco
BBC NEWS | Photo journal: Inside a Bolivian jail, Introduction
"San Pedro prison, the biggest in Bolivia's main city, La Paz, is home to about 1,500 inmates. Once you pass the thick walls and the security gates, any resemblance to a normal jail disappears: there are children playing, market stalls, restaurants, haird
bolivia  photography  society  world  latinamerica  culture  prison  images  policy 
september 2006 by robertogreco

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