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Chilean Economist Manfred Max-Neef on Barefoot Economics, Poverty and Why The U.S. is Becoming an “Underdeveloping Nation” | Democracy Now!
"We speak with the acclaimed Chilean economist, Manfred Max-Neef. He won the Right Livelihood Award in 1983, two years after the publication of his book Outside Looking In: Experiences in Barefoot Economics. “Economists study and analyze poverty in their nice offices, have all the statistics, make all the models, and are convinced that they know everything that you can know about poverty. But they don’t understand poverty,” Max-Neef says. [includes rush transcript]"

...

"We have reached a point in our evolution in which we know a lot. We know a hell of a lot. But we understand very little. Never in human history has there been such an accumulation of knowledge like in the last 100 years. Look how we are. What was that knowledge for? What did we do with it? And the point is that knowledge alone is not enough, that we lack understanding.

And the difference between knowledge and understanding, I can give it as an example. Let us assume that you have studied everything that you can study, from a theological, sociological, anthropological, biological and even biochemical point of view, of a human phenomenon called love. So the result is that you will know everything that you can know about love. But sooner or later, you will realize that you will never understand love unless you fall in love. What does that mean? That you can only attempt to understand that of which you become a part. If we fall in love, as the Latin song says, we are much more than two. When you belong, you understand. When you’re separated, you can accumulate knowledge. And that is — that’s been the function of science. Now, science is divided into parts, but understanding is holistic.

And that happens with poverty. I understood poverty because I was there. I lived with them. I ate with them. I slept with them, you know, etc. And then you begin to learn that in that environment there are different values, different principles from — compared to those from where you are coming, and that you can learn an enormous amount of fantastic things among poverty. What I have learned from the poor is much more than I learned in the universities. But very few people have that experience, you see? They look at it from the outside, instead of living it from the inside.

And you learn extraordinary things. The first thing you learn, that people who want to work in order to overcome poverty and don’t know, is that in poverty there is an enormous creativity. You cannot be an idiot if you want to survive. Every minute, you have to be thinking, what next? What do I know? What trick can I do here? What’s this and that, that, that, that? And so, your creativity is constant. In addition, I mean, that it’s combined, you know, with networks of cooperation, mutual aid, you know, and all sort of extraordinary things which you’ll no longer find in our dominant society, which is individualistic, greedy, egoistical, etc. It’s just the opposite of what you find there. And it’s sometimes so shocking that you may find people much happier in poverty than what you would find, you know, in your own environment, which also means, you know, that poverty is not just a question of money. It’s a much more complex thing."

...

"The Peace Corps, yeah, OK. I was many times in that. I even taught Peace Corps groups, you know, in California and so on and on. Then I found them, you know, in the field when I was there. Lovely young people, you know? I mean, very well-intentioned, you know. And the situations like this.

Well, there you have a woman making a poncho. No, but with another machine, instead of making two ponchos in one week, I mean, she could make 20 ponchos.

So, now, “We will bring you a much better thing.”

“Oh, OK, well…”

They bring it in, you know, and come back a few months later, you know, to see a huge production of this woman. And how our young find?

“Oh, how do you like the machine?”

“Oh, very nice.”

“And how many ponchos are you making?”

“Well, two ponchos a week.”

“What do you mean? You could make much more.”

“Well, but I don’t need to make more.”

“But why do you make just two? Well, what is the machine then for?”

“Well, I make two, but now I have much more time to be with my friends and with my kids.”

In our environment, you know, you have to do more and more and more and more. No, there, instead of making more, they have more time to enjoy themselves, to have a nice relationship with friends, with family, etc. You see? Lovely values which we have lost.

AMY GOODMAN: What do you think needs to change? You’re saying it’s obvious, but what do you think needs to happen that they’re avoiding?

MANFRED MAX-NEEF: Well, to begin with, a completely new concept of economics. This economy is crazy and poisonous. I am an economist, and I have been fighting against the economy that is taught the way it is being taught and being practiced. I have been fighting it for almost 40 years of my life, because it’s an absurd economy that has nothing to do with real life. It’s all fabrications, no? If the model doesn’t work, it’s not because the model is wrong, but because reality plays foul tricks. And reality is there to be domesticated, you know, and become the model. That is the attitude. And that’s systematic, in addition.

What is the economy that is being taught in the universities today everywhere? Neoclassical economics. Neoliberalism is an offspring of neoclassical economics. And neoclassical economics is 19th century. So we are supposed to solve problems of the 21st century that have no precedent with theories of the 19th century. We no longer have a physics of the 19th century, nor a biology, nor an engineering — nor nothing. The only thing in which we stopped in the 19th century is in the concept of economics. I mean, and that is elementarily absurd. And the main journals and everything, you know — I mean, no, no, that’s the way it must be."

...

"AMY GOODMAN: And if you’re teaching young economists, the principles you would teach them, what they’d be?

MANFRED MAX-NEEF: The principles, you know, of an economics which should be are based in five postulates and one fundamental value principle.

One, the economy is to serve the people and not the people to serve the economy.

Two, development is about people and not about objects.

Three, growth is not the same as development, and development does not necessarily require growth.

Four, no economy is possible in the absence of ecosystem services.

Five, the economy is a subsystem of a larger finite system, the biosphere, hence permanent growth is impossible.

And the fundamental value to sustain a new economy should be that no economic interest, under no circumstance, can be above the reverence of life.

AMY GOODMAN: Explain that further.

MANFRED MAX-NEEF: Nothing can be more important than life. And I say life, not human beings, because, for me, the center is the miracle of life in all its manifestations. But if there is an economic interest, I mean, you forget about life, not only of other living beings, but even of human beings. If you go through that list, one after the other, what we have today is exactly the opposite.

AMY GOODMAN: Go back to three: growth and development. Explain that further.

MANFRED MAX-NEEF: Growth is a quantitative accumulation. Development is the liberation of creative possibilities. Every living system in nature grows up to a certain point and stops growing. You are not growing anymore, nor he nor me. But we continue developing ourselves. Otherwise we wouldn’t be dialoguing here now. So development has no limits. Growth has limits. And that is a very big thing, you know, that economists and politicians don’t understand. They are obsessed with the fetish of economic growth.

And I am working, several decades. Many studies have been done. I’m the author of a famous hypothesis, the threshold hypothesis, which says that in every society there is a period in which economic growth, conventionally understood or no, brings about an improvement of the quality of life. But only up to a point, the threshold point, beyond which, if there is more growth, quality of life begins to decline. And that is the situation in which we are now.

I mean, your country is the most dramatic example that you can find. I have gone as far as saying — and this is a chapter of a book of mine that is published next month in England, the title of which is Economics Unmasked. There is a chapter called “The United States, an Underdeveloping Nation,” which is a new category. We have developed, underdeveloped and developing. Now you have underdeveloping. And your country is an example, in which the one percent of the Americans, you know, are doing better and better and better, and the 99 percent is going down, in all sorts of manifestations. People living in their cars now and sleeping in their cars, you know, parked in front of the house that used to be their house — thousands of people. Millions of people, you know, have lost everything. But the speculators that brought about the whole mess, oh, they are fantastically well off. No problem. No problem."
manfredmax-neef  economics  chile  2010  interviews  poverty  capitalism  development  barefooteconomics  knowledge  understanding  creativity  ingenuity  society  individualism  greed  cooperation  mutualaid  survival  time  work  perspective  peacecorps  colonialism  neoliberalism  ecosystems  humanism  growth  gdp  underdevelopment  accumulation 
17 hours ago by robertogreco
COLECTIVO FAVERO – RUTA ITALIANA VALPARAÍSO
"Diseñado por el arquitecto Giocondo Favero, italiano nacido en Castelfranco que llega a Chile en 1889, y financiado por el comerciante italiano Mauricio Schiavetti, este Inmueble de Conservación Histórica fue construido en 1912 a los pies del Cerro Florida con el propósito de dar solución a las problemáticas habitacionales de la clase obrera tras el terremoto de 1906.

Emplazado en el punto de encuentro de las calles Buenos Aires y Lastra, este bloque de 43 apartamentos repartidos en 6 pisos fue recientemente remodelado con una inversión de $92 millones, financiados a través del Programa de Protección al Patrimonio Familiar del plan de Reconstrucción del Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo.

Hace algunos años, la Escuela de Arquitectura y Diseño de la PUCV realizó un interesante estudio sobre el Colectivo Favero, sus orígenes y razones emplazamiento. Este material, acompañado de antiguas imágenes, croquis, planimetrías y análisis arquitectónicos, está disponible en los siguientes enlaces:
http://wiki.ead.pucv.cl/index.php/Colectivo_Favero,_C%C2%B0_Florida,_Valparaiso
http://wiki.ead.pucv.cl/index.php/Colectivo_de_viviendas_Schiavetti_Favero,_Valpara%C3%ADso "
chile  valparaíso  architecture  family  giocondofavero  mauricioschiavetti  cerroflorida 
21 days ago by robertogreco
Capitalism and the Urban Struggle | Boston Review
“One of the things that interests me is the simultaneity of what goes on in the urban network. Occupy Wall Street was about Wall Street, but Occupy movements sprung up in a hundred odd cities in the United States, and you can find Occupy movements in Europe and around the world. So the urban network is actually a very powerful set of political possibilities. Part of my argument is that we should be thinking about how to use the urban network and how to use the political power that lies with closing cities down or intervening in cities as part of what political struggle is all about.”



“DJ: Mainstream liberals who talk about urbanism focus a lot on environmentalism and culture. Cities promise greener forms of living, since they offer greater density and more efficient energy use. And these liberals obsess over green architecture, high-speed rail, and so on, as well as about cities as centers of “creative culture.” Would you say they’re guilty of a certain fetishism over green living and culture?

DH: Very much so. As I try to point out in the book, the culture industries are very much caught up in the search for monopoly rent. It’s interesting that they’re called “industries” these days, which means that there’s a commodification of culture and an attempt to commodify the cultural commons and even commodify history, which is an astonishing process.

A lot of the green stuff is about planting trees and making things look greener. But I’ve yet to see a really radical reconfiguration of urbanization that would really confront the questions of global warming. So the liberal view does that, but what it doesn’t pay attention to is the tremendous social inequalities that exist. In New York, the social inequalities are dramatic, and we have huge concentrations of what we call precarious and insecure, employed people in these cities. In a way it’s an urban proletariat that is engaging in the production and the reproduction of urban life, and I don’t see the liberals taking any notice of that as being a problem. I mean, the levels of social inequality in New York City are far, far greater now than they were 30 years ago, and I would not be at all surprised to see an urban insurrection going on over those levels of inequality.”



“DJ: There you argue that Murray Bookchin had a more reasonable answer to the problem of how to organize for large-scale reform, given the limits of horizontal, anti-hierarchical political structures.

DH: One of the things I criticize the left for is what I call “fetishism of organizational form,” and it’s not only anarchists. The communist parties of yore used to have a democratic centralist model from which they would never depart, and it had certain strengths and it had certain weaknesses. Now there are certain elements within the anarchist movement that now believe totally in this horizontality idea and will not contemplate anything that is hierarchical. So I say, “Well, look, you’re disempowering yourself by sticking to that as the only organizational form which is viable.”

Again, there are certain anarchists who think that it’s reasonable to negotiate with the state or to try to reform the state and certain anarchists who say they want nothing whatsoever with anything that looks like state power. I have problems with that. My concern would be to say, “Let’s try to think of an organizational form that can confront the nature of the problems that we face,” which include, by the way, the one that you talked about earlier about the global nature of the struggle. You cannot imagine that we could simply have socialism in New York City and nowhere else. We’ve got to start thinking about all of the international relations and international divisions of labor and the like. So I’m more concerned with finding a practical form of organization, which can confront the nature of the problems we face, and I find that these rather dogmatic assertions by the communists, on one hand, and some of the anarchists, on the other, that “This is the only form of organization which is acceptable” get in the way of a fluid discussion over what would be a good form of organization for political mobilization right now.

DJ: Do you think that we’ve come to any sort of promising conclusions about organizational form, or is this a debate that needs to take place over the course of many years?

DH: Oh, I think it’s a debate that’s unfolding, but it can unfold very rapidly. I mean, there are places in the world where people seem to have found ways to pin together both the horizontal and the hierarchical. I mention the case of El Alto in Bolivia, where that seems to have happened. There are other cases; I’ve been very impressed by the example of the Chilean student movement, which is very democratic and horizontal but at the same time accepts that there is a need for decisive leadership. As more and more models of that sort come to our attention, I think that more and more people will start to converge on a practical organizational form. At least that’s my hope. And I think what I was trying to do in the book was to contribute to that process by both critiquing fetishism and then talking about examples where it seems some mixture of organizational forms has been very successful.

DJ: Now that we’re in Spring, people in the Occupy movement are wondering, “Where do we go from here?” Can there be an Occupy movement without occupation—without actually occupying public spaces? It seems as though occupying public spaces is a very powerful form of protest that has succeeded in Egypt and elsewhere. So why not just continuing occupying?

DH: Well, I think there are intermediate forms of it. One example that I was talking about with some people the other day is the Madres de Plaza de Mayo in Argentina who, instead of occupying all the time, turned up once a week to a particular space to demonstrate over the question of what had happened to their disappeared children and grandchildren. Of course, they suffered a great deal of police harassment and in some cases violence, but they just kept coming there every week. We could do something like that: we could go to Zuccotti Park once a week and say, “Look, we are still here!” It could be a visible thing. Some weeks, there’d be 500 people there; maybe occasionally there’d be 5,000 people there. But if it became a tradition, that once a week we all went there to reassert the significance of our political movement, then this would be a very good step.

I think that one of the problems we have in New York City is that we have a vast amount of public space in which the public is not allowed to do what it wants. We have to liberate public spaces for these sorts of common political actions, and this is one of the arenas of struggle.

DJ: In terms of changing our politics, are there any steps that you think are promising? For example, some critics, such as Lawrence Lessig, point to money in politics as a central problem. There are others who talk about how we need more participatory democracy in place. Is there a political step that you think will make progress?

DH: There’s a political step that I think that we should take and be very clear about. This is what was so impressive about the Chilean student movement. They recognized very clearly that the situation they’re in was defined by what happened under Pinochet. Now Pinochet is dead, but they’re still living with the legacy of Pinochet. What they are struggling with is what you might call “Pinochetism.” In this country Reagan is long gone, but Reaganism has been doubled down on by the Republican Party in particular, but also accepted by large chunks of the Democratic Party. So we’ve got to go after Reaganism. In Britain, Thatcher is long gone, but we’ve got Thatcherism. In Egypt, Mubarak is gone, but Mubarakism is still there. So we’ve got to go after the systems of power and the systems of appropriation of wealth that have become pretty universalized right now, and we’ve got to see this as a real serious point of confrontation. As Warren Buffett says when asked if there’s class struggle, “Sure, there’s class struggle. It’s my class, the rich, who have been waging it, and we’ve been winning.” Our task, I think, is to turn it around and say, “His class shall not win.” And in order to do that, we’ve got to get rid of the whole neoliberal way of organizing contemporary capitalism.“
davidharvey  2012  capitalism  urban  urbanism  economics  democracy  cities  davidjohnson  henrilefebvre  righttothecity  anticapitalism  neoliberalism  politics  policy  liberalism  class  classstruggle  pinochet  warrenbuffett  chile  inequality  thatcherism  margaretthatcher  activism  murraybookchin  argentina  bolivia  ows  occupywallstreet  culture  society  green  greenliving  progress 
21 days ago by robertogreco
Patricio Guzmán - Capturing Reality
“Our Own Take on Reality

The Great Archive of Humanity

The Battle of Chile: Continuing the Debate

Reality is Chaos

The Battle of Chile: Bringing Order to Chaos

The Music of Everyday Life

The Battle of Chile: Chris Marker to the Rescue”
patricioguzmán  chile  film  filmmaking  documentary  thebattleofchile  reality  humanity  everyday  chrismarker  storytelling  noticing  seeing  attention 
7 weeks ago by robertogreco
The Dig: Un laboratorio del socialismo en Chile. Entrevista con Daniel Jadue.
"*This episode of The Dig is a special Dig in Spanish. Visit Jacobin for a transcript in English. Este episodio de The Dig es un Dig especial en español. Entra a Jacobin para una transcripción en inglés.* [https://jacobinmag.com/2019/04/communist-party-chile-left-governance-recoleta ]

Cuando se piensa en Chile desde el extranjero, generalmente surge la imagen de su pasado reciente marcado por la dictadura cívico–militar. Y esto con toda razón. El legado del régimen genocida de Pinochet todavía está presente en todas partes—en la memoria personal y colectiva, en las leyes y en una constitución profundamente neoliberal que sigue condenando al sistema político a un bipartidismo e impide las transformaciones deseadas por la soberanía popular. Daniel Jadue, el alcalde de la comuna de Recoleta, ubicada en la Región Metropolitana del Gran Santiago, se ha entregado a la empresa de construir en su territorio un laboratorio del comunismo del presente y del futuro. Junto a su equipo ha abierto una farmacia popular, una óptica popular y una linda librería popular. Todos estos servicios de primera necesidad venden sus productos a precios bajos y justos desafiando con ello a un mercado supuestamente autoregulado que en Chile sólo ha demostrado funcionar más bien estimulando prácticas de monopolio—un capitalismo salvaje."
chile  recoleta  communism  politics  2019  sanieljadue  policy  economics  socialism  capitalism  cities 
12 weeks ago by robertogreco
The ‘Chicago Boys’ in Chile: Economic Freedom’s Awful Toll | The Nation
"Repression for the majorities and “economic freedom” for small privileged groups are two sides of the same coin."



"A Rationale for Power

The economic policies of the Chilean junta and its re­sults have to be placed in the context of a wide counter­revolutionary process that aims to restore to a small minority the economic, social and political control it gradually lost over the last thirty years, and particularly in the years of the Popular Unity Government.

Until September 11, 1973, the date of the coup, Chilean society had been characterized by the increasing participation of the working class and its political parties in economic and social decision making. Since about 1900, employing the mechanisms of representative democ­racy, workers had steadily gained new economic, social and political power. The election of Salvador Allende as President of Chile was the culmination of this process. For the first time in history a society attempted to build socialism by peaceful means. During Allende’s time in office, there was a marked improvement in the conditions of employment, health, housing, land tenure and education of the masses. And as this occurred, the privileged do­mestic groups and the dominant foreign interests perceived themselves to be seriously threatened.

Despite strong financial and political pressure from abroad and efforts to manipulate the attitudes of the middle class by propaganda, popular support for the Allende government increased significantly between 1970 and 1973. In March 1973, only five months before the military coup, there were Congressional elections in Chile. The political parties of the Popular Unity increased their share of the votes by more than 7 percentage points over their totals in the Presidential election of 1970. This was the first time in Chilean history that the political parties supporting the administration in power gained votes dur­ing a midterm election. The trend convinced the national bourgeoisie and its foreign supporters that they would be unable to recoup their privileges through the democratic process. That is why they resolved to destroy the demo­cratic system and the institutions of the state, and, through an alliance with the military; to seize power by force.

In such a context, concentration of wealth is no acci­dent, but a rule; it is not the marginal outcome of a difficult situation—as they would like the world to believe—but the base for a social project; it is not an economic liability but a temporary political success. Their real failure is not their apparent inability to redistribute wealth or to generate a more even path of development (these are not their priorities) but their inability to convince the majority of Chileans that their policies are reasonable and necessary. In short, they have failed to destroy the consciousness of the Chilean people. The economic plan has had to be enforced, and in the Chilean context that could be done only by the killing of thousands, the estab­lishment of concentration camps all over the country, the jailing of more than 100,000 persons in three years, the closing of trade unions and neighborhood organizations, and the prohibition of all political activities and all forms of free expression.

While the “Chicago boys” have provided an appearance of technical respectability to the laissez-faire dreams and political greed of the old landowning oligarchy and upper bourgeoisie of monopolists and financial speculators, the military has applied the brutal force required to achieve those goals. Repression for the majorities and “economic freedom” for small privileged groups are in Chile two sides of the same coin.

There is, therefore, an inner harmony between the two central priorities announced by the junta after the coup in 1973: the “destruction of the Marxist cancer” (which has come to mean not only the repression of the political parties of the Left but also the destruction of all labor organizations democratically elected and all opposition, including Christian-Democrats and church organizations), the establishment of a free “private economy” and the control of inflation à la Friedman.

It is nonsensical, consequently, that those who inspire, support or finance that economic policy should try to present their advocacy as restricted to “technical consid­erations,” while pretending to reject the system of terror it requires to succeed.

* * *

This note on “Allende’s Economic Record” was published next to the piece.

There is a widespread notion—reported by the Amer­ican press, often without substantiation—that the Allende government made a “shambles” of the Chilean economy. It is hardly acceptable to judge an ongoing sociopolitical process only by traditional economic indi­cators which describe aggregate economic features and not the general condition of society. However, when those indicators are applied to Chile, the Popular Unity Government fares very well.

In 1971, the first year of the Allende government, the GNP increased 8.9 percent; industrial production rose by 11 percent; agricultural output went up by 6 percent; unemployment, which at the end of the Frei government was above 8 percent, fell to 3.8 percent. Inflation, which in the previous year had been nearly 35 percent, was reduced to an annual rate of 22.1 percent.

During 1972 the external pressures applied on the government and the backlash of the domestic opposition began to be felt. On the one hand, lines of credit and financing coming from multinational lending institutions and from the private banks and the government of the United States were severed (the exception being aid to the military). On the other hand, the Chilean Congress, controlled by the opposi­tion, approved measures which escalated government expenditure without producing the necessary revenues (through an increase of taxes); this added momentum to the inflationary process. At the same time, factions of the traditional right wing began to foment violence aimed at overthrowing the government. Despite all this and the fact that the price of copper, which represented almost 80 percent of Chile’s export earnings, fell to its lowest level in thirty years, the Chilean economy continued to improve throughout 1972.

By the end of that year, the growing participation of the workers and peasants in the decision-making process, which accompanied the economic progress of the preceding two years, began to threaten seriously the privileges of traditional ruling groups and pro­voked in them more violent resistance. By 1973, Chile was experiencing the full effects of the most destructive and sophisticated conspiracy in Latin American history. Reactionary forces, supported feverishly by their friends abroad, developed a broad and systematic campaign of sabotage and terror, which was intensified when the government gained in the March Congressional elections. This included the illegal hoarding of goods by the rich; creation of a vast black market; blowing up industrial plants, electrical installations and pipe lines; paralysis of the transportation system and, in general, attempts to disrupt the entire economy in such a way as to create the conditions needed to justify the military coup. It was this deliberate disruption, and not the Popular Unity, which created any chaos during the final days of the Allende government.

Between 1970 and 1973, the working classes had access to food and clothing, to health care, housing and education to an extent unknown before. These achievements were never threatened or diminished, even during the most difficult and dramatic moments of the government’s last year in power. The priorities which the Popular Unity had established in its program of social transformations were largely reached."
orlandoletelier  2016  chicagoboys  chile  history  economics  policy  politics  freedom  capitalism  miltonfriedman  socialism  1973  pinochet  salvadorallende  class  work  labor  solidarity  democracy  coup  marxism  neoiliberalism 
april 2019 by robertogreco
Greg Grandin reviews ‘Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American Cold War’ by Tanya Harmer · LRB 19 July 2012
"Harmer dispatches two myths favoured by those who blame the coup on Allende himself. The first is that his commitment to democracy was opportunistic and would soon have been abandoned. ‘One might even,’ Falcoff writes, ‘credit the Nixon administration with preventing the consolidation of Allende’s “totalitarian project”’. The second is that even if Allende wasn’t a fraud he was a fool, unleashing forces he could not control – for example, the left wing of Popular Unity, and the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria, which was further to the left of Allende’s coalition and drew inspiration from the Cuban Revolution, Cuba conceived here as a proxy for Moscow.

Harmer shows that Allende was a pacifist, a democrat and a socialist by conviction not convenience. He had an ‘unbending commitment to constitutional government’ and refused in the face of an ‘externally funded’ opposition ‘to take a different non-democratic or violent road’. He invoked history to insist that democracy and socialism were compatible, yet he knew that Chile’s experience was exceptional. During the two decades before his election, military coups had overthrown governments in 12 countries: Cuba in 1952; Guatemala and Paraguay in 1954; Argentina and Peru in 1962; Ecuador, the Dominican Republic, Honduras and again Guatemala in 1963; Brazil and Bolivia in 1964; and Argentina once more in 1966. Many of these coups were encouraged and sanctioned by Washington and involved subverting exactly the kind of civil-society pluralism – of the press, political parties and unions – that Allende promoted. So he was sympathetic to the Cuban Revolution and respected Castro, especially after he survived the CIA’s Bay of Pigs exploit in 1961. And when Allende won the presidency, he relied on Cuban advisers for personal security and intelligence operations.

But Cuba’s turn to one-party authoritarianism only deepened Allende’s faith in the durability of Chilean democracy. Socialism could be won, he insisted, through procedures and institutions – the ballot, the legislature, the courts and the media – that historically had been dominated by those classes most opposed to it. Castro warned him that the military wouldn’t abide by the constitution. Until at least early 1973 Allende believed otherwise. His revolution would not be confronted with the choice that had been forced on Castro: suspend democracy or perish. But by mid-1973, events were escaping Allende’s command. On 11 September he took his own life, probably with a gun Castro gave him as a gift. The left in the years after the coup developed its own critique of Allende: that, as the crisis hurtled toward its conclusion, he proved indecisive, failing to arm his supporters and train resistance militias, failing to shut down congress and failing to defend the revolution the way Castro defended his. Harmer presents these as conscious decisions, stemming from Allende’s insistence that neither one-party rule nor civil war was an acceptable alternative to defeat.

A photograph of Allende taken during his last hours shows him leaving the presidential palace, pistol in hand and helmet on head, flanked by bodyguards and looking up at the sky, watching for the bombs. The image is powerful yet deceptive, giving the impression that Allende had been at the palace when the coup started, and was beginning to organise resistance to it. But Allende wasn’t trapped in his office. He’d gone there earlier that morning, despite being advised not to, when he heard that his generals had rebelled. The Cubans were ready to arm and train a Chilean resistance and, Harmer writes, ‘to fight and die alongside Allende and Chilean left-wing forces in a prolonged struggle to defend the country’s revolutionary process’. But Allende ordered them not to put their plans into operation, and they listened: ‘The Chilean president,’ Harmer says, ‘was therefore far more in control of Cuba’s involvement in his country than previously thought.’ He also rejected the idea of retreating to the outskirts of Santiago and leading an armed resistance: in Harmer’s assessment, he committed suicide rather than give up his commitment to non-violent revolution.

Many, in Chile and elsewhere, refused to believe that Allende had killed himself. The story had to be that he was executed, like Zapata, Sandino, Guevara and others who died at the hands of traitors. Che fought to the end and had no illusions about the bourgeoisie and its democratic credentials. Allende’s legacy is more ambiguous, especially for today’s revived Latin American left, which despite its remarkable electoral success in recent decades still struggles to tame the market forces set free after the Chilean coup. In 2009 in Honduras, for instance, and last month in Paraguay, democratically elected presidents were unseated by ‘constitutional coups’. In both countries, their opponents dressed up what were classic putsches in the garb of democratic proceduralism, taking advantage of vague impeachment mechanisms to restore the status quo ante.

For Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), founded in 1980 by militant trade unionists including the future president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the coup in Chile reinforced the need to work with centrist parties to restore constitutional rule. Social issues weren’t completely sidelined, but attaining stability took precedence over class struggle; for the first time in Latin American history, a major left-wing party found itself fighting for political democracy as a value in itself, not as part of a broader campaign for social rights. ‘I thought a lot about what happened with Allende in Chile,’ Lula once said, referring to the polarisation that followed the 1970 election, when the Popular Unity coalition won with only a bit more than a third of the vote. That’s why he agreed to set the bar high for a PT win. During the Constituent Assembly debates leading up to the promulgation of Brazil’s 1988 post-dictatorship constitution, Lula insisted that if no one candidate received a majority in the first round of a presidential election, a run-off had to be held between the top two contenders, which would both give the winner more legitimacy and force him or her to reach out beyond the party base. Like Allende, Lula stood for president three times before winning at his fourth attempt. Unlike Allende, though, each time Lula ran and lost and ran again, he gave up a little bit more of the PT’s founding principles, so that the party went from pledging to overturn neoliberalism to promising to administer it more effectively.

In Venezuela, Hugo Chávez drew a different lesson from the defeat of the Popular Unity government. Soon after he was elected president in 1998, before coming out as a confrontationalist, indeed before he even identified himself as a socialist, Chávez began to compare himself to Allende. Wealthy Venezuelans were mobilising against even the mildest economic reforms, as their Chilean predecessors had done, taking to the streets, banging their pots and pans, attacking the government through their family-owned TV stations and newspapers, beating a path to the US embassy to complain, and taking money from Washington to fund their anti-government activities. In response, Chávez began to talk about 1973. ‘Like Allende, we are pacifists,’ he said of his supporters, including those in the military. ‘And like Allende, we are democrats. Unlike Allende, we are armed.’ The situation got worse and worse, culminating in the coup of April 2002 which, though unsuccessful, looked very like the coup against Allende. Chávez found himself trapped in the national palace speaking to Castro on the phone, telling him he was ready to die for the cause. Ever the pragmatist, Castro urged him to live to fight another day: ‘Don’t do what Allende did!’"
greggrandin  salvadorallende  history  marxism  socialism  democracy  2012  tanyaharmer  venezuela  economics  inequality  class  pacifism  cuba  fidelcastro  brazil  brasil  lula  luladasilva  latinamerica  us  richardnixon  intervention  revolution  government  argentina  honduras  guatemala  paraguay  perú  bolivia  hugochávez  pinochet  chile  henrykissinger  tanyharmer  coldwar  markfalcoff  dilmarousseff  authoritarianism  dictatorship 
april 2019 by robertogreco
Episode 906:The Chicago Boys, Part II : Planet Money : NPR
[This two-parter is, overall, super light-handed on the coup and doesn't investigate enough how Allende's policies were sabotaged by the US and thus the state of the Chilean economy in 1973 was not an indication of their effectiveness, but leaving it here for future reference.]

"This is the second part in our series on Marxism and capitalism in Chile. You can find the first episode here. [https://www.npr.org/sections/money/2019/04/10/711918772/episode-905-the-chicago-boys-part-i ]

In the early seventies, Chile, under Marxist President Salvador Allende, was plagued by inflation, shortages, and a crushing deficit. After a violent coup in 1973, the economy became the military's problem.

Led by Augusto Pinochet, the military assigned a group of economists to help turn around Chile's economy. They had trained at the University of Chicago. They came to be known as the Chicago Boys.

Today's show is about the economic "shock treatment" they launched. It eventually set Chile on a path to prosperity, but it did so at an incredible human cost. One that Chileans are still grappling with today."

["#905: The Chicago Boys, Part I" description:

"Chile is one of the wealthiest, most stable economies in South America. But to understand how Chile got here--how it became the envy of neighboring countries --you have to know the story of a group of Chilean students who came to study economics at the University of Chicago. A group that came to be known as the Chicago Boys.

In the 1960s, their country was embracing socialism. But the Chicago Boys would take the economic ideas they had learned at Chicago and turn them into policies in Chile. They ended up on the front lines of a bloody battle between Marxism and capitalism, democracy and dictatorship."]

[via: "Detainees would be electrocuted, water boarded, had their heads forced into buckets of urine and excrement, suffocated with bags, hanged by their feet or hands and beaten. Many women were raped and for some detainees, punishment was death." https://twitter.com/zunguzungu/status/1118167201846968320

who also points to the source of that quote: https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2013/09/life-under-pinochet-they-were-taking-turns-electrocute-us-one-after-other/ ]
chile  chicagoboys  economics  policy  politics  2019  history  pinochet  salvadorallende  miltonfriedman  dictatorship  coup  democracy  capitalism  socialism  authoritarianism  noelking  jasminegarsd  cia  us  intervention  propaganda  marxism  cuba  fidelcastro  cubanrevolution  neoliberalism  freemarketcapitalism  cuotas  finance  financialization  wealth 
april 2019 by robertogreco
Entrevista a Gastón Soublette - Parte I: La Sabiduría Tradicional - YouTube
"Realizada en Limache el 3 de octubre de 2015 en ocasión del Premio Nueva Civilización por su contribución al estudio y valorización de la cultura y la sabiduría popular creativa.
El Galardón será otorgado el Miércoles 25 de Noviembre, a las 18.30 hrs. en el marco del Simposio Internacional 'Desafíos de la Política en un Mundo Complejo', ocasión en que don Gastón Soublette ofrecerá una Conferencia Magistral."

[Parte II: El Arte
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wjn8B-aSFaE

Parte III: La Cultura Mapuche
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N27LAd906yM

Parte IV: El Conocimiento Científico
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DjEj-i0dcUs

Parte V: Filosofía y Educación
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=neci7LTwH_8

Parte VI: Religión y Cultura
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=neyEPrRH_oQ

Parte VII: Una Nueva Civilización
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=930FCVu9_7M ]
gastónsoublette  chile  history  mapuche  science  education  philosophy  culture  religion  civilization  future  art  music  tradition  oraltradition  oral  orality  diegoportales  improvisation  wisdom  mexico  precolumbian  inca  maya  aztec  quechua  literature  epics  araucaria  aesthetics  transcendentalism  myths  myth  arthistory  2015  perú 
march 2019 by robertogreco
Open Society Foundations (OSF) en Instagram: “Next up, Alberto Barba Pardal (@alberto_barba_pardal) shares images from his “War Mapu” project, which tells the story of Macarena Valdés…”
"Next up, Alberto Barba Pardal (@alberto_barba_pardal) shares images from his “War Mapu” project, which tells the story of Macarena Valdés, an indigenous woman in Chile who died while in the midst of a bitter dispute with state-sponsored corporations, and who has become a symbol for the broader movement to defend the rights of indigenous people."

[See also:

[1]
"In the Mapudungun language, Mapuche means “people of the earth.” Its ancestral culture is based on the connection and coexistence with the four elements: water, air, fire, and earth.

In August 2016, Macarena Valdés, a member of Chile’s Mapuche people who was in the midst of a fight with state-sponsored corporations that wanted to remove her from her land, was found dead in her home. While Chilean authorities claimed her death was a suicide, an independent second autopsy proved this to be untrue."
https://www.instagram.com/p/BsczMgrCRE3/

[2]
"“She was murdered for being a woman, for being a mother, for being Mapuche, and, above all, for speaking out,” says Rubén Collío, the late Macarena Valdés's longtime partner and coparent."
https://www.instagram.com/p/Bsdt9RIhblZ/

[3]
"Macarena Valdés's children and partner pose for a family portrait, leaving a space for her memory."
https://www.instagram.com/p/BsfYB__CFms/

[4]
"In the first photograph, we see a forest that has been preserved by the Mapuche people. In the second, we see the results of the work done by Arauco, an industrial firm which, like many such firms, has received support from the Chilean government."
https://www.instagram.com/p/BsgPDIpBNZR/

[5]
"The Ralco dam, which was built during the 1990s, was one of the first points of conflict between the post-Pinochet Chilean government and the Mapuche people. Two Mapuche communities were forced off their land during its construction."

[6]
"Francisco Collío Valdés was 11-years-old when he came home to find his mother's body."
https://www.instagram.com/p/Bsn2FkdhKXX/

[7]
"We must follow her example," says Rubén Collío, the late Macarena Valdés's longtime partner and coparent. “Out of respect for her, we have to get back on our feet, we have to rethink—and keep fighting.”
https://www.instagram.com/p/BsoYimmhsr4/

[8]
"One of Macarena Valdés’s sons stands outside their home, beneath a flag bearing a Mapuche symbol."
https://www.instagram.com/p/BsprS4cjiXP/

[9]
"Francisco, seen here swimming, is one of the late Macarena Valdés's sons. He was 11-years-old when he came home to find her body."
https://www.instagram.com/p/Bsq-PAtgkf-/ ]

[More here:
https://www.equaltimes.org/in-chile-the-mapuche-are-battling ]
chile  mapuche  albertobarbapardal  macarenavaldés  2018  photography  warmapu  indigenous  humanrights 
january 2019 by robertogreco
Juana Gómez
[via: "Chilean artist Juana Gómez uses photography, weaving and embroidery to explore themes of genealogy, biology and interconnectivity in her own (and her daughter's) female lineage #womensart"
https://twitter.com/womensart1/status/1043741688320151553 ]

[See also: https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/gallery/2017/dec/05/juana-gomez-embroidered-family-photos-in-pictures-distaff-michael-hoppen-gallery ]
chile  glvo  embroidery  art  artists  juanagómez  geneology  interconnected  biology  interconnectivity 
september 2018 by robertogreco
Should Rivers Have Rights? A Growing Movement Says It’s About Time - Yale E360
"Inspired by indigenous views of nature, a movement to grant a form of legal “personhood” to rivers is gaining some ground — a key step, advocates say, in reversing centuries of damage inflicted upon the world’s waterways."
rivers  rights  nature  multispecies  morethanhuman  2018  personhood  chile  ecosystems  law  legal  jensbenöhr  patricklynch  indigeneity 
august 2018 by robertogreco
Cecilia Vicuña: About to Happen | BAMPFA
"This first survey exhibition of the work of Chilean-born artist Cecilia Vicuña traces her career to stage a conversation about discarded and displaced people, places, and things in a time of global climate change. The exhibition includes key installations, sculptures, texts, and videos from a multidisciplinary practice that has encompassed performance, sculpture, drawing, video, poetry, and site-specific installations over the course of the past forty years.

Working within the overlapping discourses of Conceptual art, land art, poetry, and feminist art practices, Vicuña has long refused categorical distinctions, operating fluidly between concept and craft, text and textile. Her practice weaves together disparate artistic disciplines as well as cultural and social communities—with shared relationships to land and sea, and to the economic and environmental disparities of the twenty-first century.

The exhibition presents a large selection of Vicuña's precario (precarious) sculptures produced over the last four decades that feature found objects in lyrical juxtaposition, as well as a monumental hanging structure created out of materials scavenged from the ever-diminishing Louisiana coast. Reframing dematerialization as both a formal consequence of 1960s Conceptualism and radical climate change, Cecilia Vicuña: About to Happen examines a process that shapes public memory and responsibility."

[See also: https://bampfa.org/event/reading-cecilia-vicu%C3%B1a
https://bampfa.org/event/cecilia-vicu%C3%B1a-performance ]

[via: https://www.instagram.com/p/Bk37axFFoPk/ ]
ceciliavicuña  togo  tosee  glvo  chile  art  bampfa  2018  displacement  multidisciplinary  artists  video  poetry  sculpture  climatechange  memory  responsibility 
july 2018 by robertogreco
Anarquía & Comunismo | Comunistas por la anarquía. Anarquistas por el comunismo
[via: https://ediciones-ineditos.com/fellow-travelers/ ]

"¿Quiénes somos?

Anarquía & Comunismo es un boletín periódico que nace el 2014 a partir de la necesidad de difusión de material teórico y agitativo que pueda ser un aporte para la superación revolucionaria de nuestro estadio histórico.

Por primera vez en la pre-historia humana, una única civilización ha colonizado el mundo entero. La civilización capitalista continua avanzando en su búsqueda de expandirse a cada rincón del globo y dominar toda actividad humana, sometiendo en este proceso toda la vida en la Tierra a los designios de la mercancía: nuestro estadio histórico es el del apogeo de la mercantilización progresiva, que nos subsume en una espiral de alienación y destrucción que aumenta en proporción directa al progreso del Capital.

Por otro lado, en medio de esta debacle planetaria, pareciera ser que a medida que la catástrofe progresa, revolucionándose y superándose (en un sentido capitalista) a si misma, su contestación revolucionaria continua estancada y atomizada; luego del reflujo de las olas revolucionarias del siglo pasado, la humanidad entera y el movimiento de la revolución que vive en su interior se han demostrado incapaces de re-comprenderse y replantearse bajo el panorama actual. Encandilados ante la pasividad espectacular que significa la vida bajo la enajenación capitalista moderna, los ‘revolucionarios’ continúan buscando en vano la confirmación de su fórmula ideológica en sus viejos manuales proféticos; ahogados en la defensa acérrima de sus tradiciones, repitiendo las mismas verdades absolutas desde hace siglos, o contraponiéndole la renuncia posmoderna a pensar.

Reconocemos en este estancamiento no sólo la demostración del poderío aplastante del Estado/Capital y sus mecanismos represivos, sino también el rol práctico e inmovilizador que tienen las ideologías. Entendemos a la ideología como una forma de pensamiento coagulado que se basta a sí misma, separándose de la realidad práctica, desmovilizando y estancando el proceso de autoreconocimiento de la actividad revolucionaria al privilegiar la defensa de su nicho ideológico particular. A esta forma de pensamiento nosotros contraponemos la teoría y la crítica radical revolucionaria, entendiendo lo radical como aquello que va a la raíz y a la revolución como el proceso de negación/superación de las ataduras de la actividad del ser humano.

De esta forma, si bien nos posicionamos abiertamente por la anarquía, pues apostamos por la destrucción del Estado y no por su conquista, no nos identificamos con el ‘anarquismo’ en tanto que expresión ideológica marcada por un sinfín de ambigüedades, malos entendidos y concesiones socialdemócratas varias; lo mismo ocurre con el llamado ‘marxismo, ya que si bien es indudable que los aportes teóricos de Marx constituyen herramientas indispensables para la comprensión y crítica radical del Capital, no pasa lo mismo con la codificación socialdemócrata y luego leninista de estos aportes, que al transformarlos en ideología los invierte y los convierte en una herramienta al servicio de la alienación y la explotación, adornadas con banderas rojas.

Es por esto que creemos necesaria la agitación desde la teoría radical como contribución a la recomprensión de la práctica y la posibilidad revolucionaria en nuestro tiempo, y a la superación de los esquemas ideológicos; entendiendo que es solo desde la comprensión histórica del Capital y de las formaciones sociales que le dieron vida como encontraremos los elementos de la revolución que le dará fin. Con este propósito hemos insistido sobre lo que consideramos falsa oposición entre comunismo/anarquía; la difusión de elementos claves de la crítica de la economía política y el valor; sobre el rol fundamental del proletariado y su necesaria auto-supresión como clase junto a todas las clases, así como también sobre los aportes de corrientes teóricas como el comunismo de izquierda y la corriente contemporánea de la comunización.
“Es en este panorama de pasividad y confusión reinante que noso­tros insistimos: el pensar qué es el capitalismo y en qué consistirá la revolución que le dará fin no es el mero capricho de un grupo de ‘teóricos’. Quienes piensan así sólo evidencian su demagogia y aún conciben el actuar y el pensar como momentos separados. Nosotros queremos acabar con la explotación que constriñe nues­tras vidas y entendemos que para esto se hace necesario agudizar nuestra crítica y nuestra práctica. En este sentido, si reventamos las vitrinas en las que se exponen las mercancías y a la vez hacemos el intento de comprender el originen de éstas, es motivados por una misma necesidad: la de negar la dictadura de las mercancías y el Estado para afirmar la necesidad de la comunidad humana, el inicio de una verdadera historia cons­ciente de la humanidad.”(A&C N°8, “Contra la no-vida”)

Pretendemos, en tanto grupo proletarios en búsqueda de dejar de serlo, aportar desde este esfuerzo editorial a la dilucidación de los elementos que posibiliten la revolución en nuestra época, teniendo la certeza de que ésta necesariamente barrerá con el Estado, la propiedad, el trabajo, las clases, la mercancía, el dinero, el intercambio y cualquier vestigio del viejo mundo o simplemente no será.

Apostamos por la constitución de comunidades de lucha vivas y críticas, por una nueva comprensión de la actividad humana y de los elementos desarrollados por esta; queremos vivir fuera de toda la agonía y catástrofe que supone el estar subsumidos la acumulación irracional del capital

¡Anarquía y comunismo! ¡Revolución hasta el fin!"
chile  anarchism  anarchy  communism  capitalism  anarcho-communism 
april 2018 by robertogreco
El Radical Libre
"Un radical libre es un átomo o grupo de átomos que se caracteriza por ser altamente reactivo. Por ello, tiene la capacidad de generar reacciones en cadena al interior de las células -al interactuar con otros elementos y romper el equilibrio interno- que provocan gran daño a moléculas y membranas, pudiendo llegar a destruir la célula por completo. Como analogía, consideremos a la célula como el sistema económico-político-social actual y el equilibrio celular como el "orden" que impone este sistema. Nosotros y nosotras pretendemos ser como los radicales libres. Somos jóvenes inquietos que nos cuestionamos la realidad social, que nos damos cuenta que las cosas no están bien. Esto nos motiva a interactuar, a generar relaciones sociales que tiendan a romper el actual equilibrio en que nos tienen inmersos."

[via: https://ediciones-ineditos.com/fellow-travelers/ ]
chile  politics  policy  economics  capitalism  anarcho-communism 
april 2018 by robertogreco
Comunidad de Lucha
"CdL es un proyecto comunicacional iniciado en la región chilena el año 2018 y que aspira a expresarse en un boletín impreso de frecuencia mensual, además de en este sitio web. Nuestra intención es tratar diversos temas contingentes que dan cuenta de la infinidad de luchas que la humanidad proletarizada sigue dando en contra de la dominación capitalista/estatal, y en las que tiende a reconstituirse y afirmarse como comunidad humana. En tanto anticapitalistas estamos a favor del comunismo (la sociedad sin clases ni producción mercantil), y en tanto enemigos del poder estatal estamos a favor de la anarquía (la sociedad sin Estado)."

[via: https://ediciones-ineditos.com/fellow-travelers/ ]
chile  capitalism  anticapitalism  economics  politics  communism  society  anarcho-communism 
april 2018 by robertogreco
What We Can Learn From Neruda's Poetry of Resistance
"Instances of social injustice, war, and the los of liberal democracy call us off the sidelines and into action. Neruda drastically adapted his poetry in response to crisis. At the start of the Spanish Civil War, he abandoned his desolate, introverted experimental poetry in favor of a decisive style, one that would compel others into action.

Whether we’re poets, teachers, readers, activists, or ordinary citizens who care about the world, we, too, can transform the way we express ourselves. In the era of social media, we don’t need to make pulp out of flags to transmit our message to the troops of resistance. We can all speak. We can all be part of the dialogue. And poetry can be part of the collective way we, in Neruda’s words, “explain some things.” From Neruda and others we can see how the act of expressing ourselves, and the act of hearing, are core components of resistance—and of poetry’s unique, enduring power."
pabloneruda  2018  poems  poetry  resistance  writing  chile  spain  españa  arieldorfman  pinochet  cantogeneral  spanishcivilwar  oppression  activism  war  gabrieljackson  franco  kwamealexander  ernesthemingway  langstonhughes  nancycunard  bahiashehab  markeisner  gabrielgonzálezvidela  federicogarcíalorca 
april 2018 by robertogreco
So what if we’re doomed? (Down the Dark Mountain) — High Country News
" Kingsnorth embraced Jeffers’ inhumanism, and Tompkins his ideas on beauty. But the immensity of the ecocide demands more. Our grief comes from the takers and their modern machine, which is one of violence and injury. If our sanity is to survive the ecocide, we must address these two pains in tandem: grief for the loss of things to come and the injustices that surround us.

We can do this through beauty and justice, which are closer together than they first appear."



"However, he is also arguing for integrity, which is close to Jeffers’ ideal of beauty: “However ugly the parts appear the whole remains beautiful. A severed hand / Is an ugly thing, and man dissevered from the earth and stars and his history ... for contemplation or in fact ... / Often appears atrociously ugly. Integrity is wholeness, the greatest beauty is / Organic wholeness, the wholeness of life and things, the divine beauty of the universe.”

Perhaps, then, the way through the ecocide is through the pursuit of integrity, a duty toward rebalancing the whole, toward fairness, in both senses of the word."



"This is no cause for despair; it is a reminder to be meaningful, to be makers instead of takers, to be of service to something — beauty, justice, loved ones, strangers, lilacs, worms."
apocalypse  climatechange  ecology  anthropocene  additivism  2017  briancalvert  paulkingsnorth  environment  environmentalism  california  poetry  justive  beauty  via:kissane  balance  earth  wholeness  integrity  robinsonjeffers  darkmountain  multispecies  posthumanism  morethanhuman  josephcampbell  ecocide  edricketts  davidbrower  sierraclub  johnstainbeck  anseladmas  outdoors  nature  humanity  humanism  edwardabbey  hawks  animals  wildlife  interconnected  inhumanism  elainescarry  community  communities  socialjustice  culture  chile  forests  refugees  violence  douglastompkins  nickbowers  shaunamurray  ta-nehisicoates  humanrights  qigong  interconnectivity 
february 2018 by robertogreco
Animals with Cameras | About | Nature | PBS
"Go where no human cameraman can go and witness a new perspective of the animal kingdom in Animals with Cameras, A Nature Miniseries. The new three-part series journeys into animals’ worlds using custom, state-of-the-art cameras worn by the animals themselves. Capturing never-before-seen behavior, these animal cinematographers help expand human understanding of their habitats and solve mysteries that have eluded scientists until now.

Wildlife cameraman Gordon Buchanan and a team of pioneering animal behaviorists join forces to explore stories of animal lives “told” by the animals themselves. The cameras are built custom by camera design expert Chris Watts to fit on the animals unobtrusively and to be easily removed at a later point. From this unique vantage point, experience the secret lives of nine different animal species. Sprint across the savanna with a cheetah, plunge into the ocean with a seal and swing through the trees with a chimpanzee."

"Episode 1 premieres Wednesday, January 31 at 8-9 p.m. on PBS (check local listings)
The astonishing collar-camera footage reveals newborn Kalahari Meerkats below ground for the first time, unveils the hunting skills of Magellanic penguins in Argentina, and follows the treetop progress of an orphaned chimpanzee in Cameroon.

[http://www.pbs.org/wnet/nature/animals-cameras-episode-1/15926/ ]

Episode 2 premieres Wednesday, February 7 at 8-9 p.m. on PBS (check local listings)
The cameras capture young cheetahs learning to hunt in Namibia, reveal how fur seals of an Australian island evade the great white sharks offshore, and help solve a conflict between South African farmers and chacma baboons.

Episode 3 premieres Wednesday, February 14 at 8-9 p.m. on PBS (check local listings)
Deep-dive with Chilean devil rays in the Azores, track brown bears’ diets in Turkey, and follow dogs protecting flocks of sheep from gray wolves in Southern France."

[See also:
http://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-42660492
http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b09qqqgr ]
animals  cameras  cameraencounters  video  photography  morethanhuman  nature  multispecies  2018  meerkats  wildlife  dogs  sheep  namibia  chile  argntina  cameroon  chimpanzees  kalahari  cheetahs  southafrica  australia  sharks  seals  faming  baboons  bears  turkey  rays  classideas  pov 
february 2018 by robertogreco
Macarena Gómez-Barris
"Macarena Gómez-Barris is Professor and Chairperson of Social Science and Cultural Studies at Pratt Institute in Brooklyn, New York. She is also Director of the Global South Center (GSC), a research center that works at the intersection of social ecologies, art / politics, and decolonial methodologies. Her instructional focus is on Latinx and Latin American Studies, memory and the afterlives of violence, decolonial theory, the art of social protest, and queer femme epistemes.

Macarena is author of Where Memory Dwells: Culture and State Violence in Chile (2009), co-editor with Herman Gray of Towards a Sociology of the Trace (2010), The Extractive Zone: Social Ecologies and Decolonial Perspectives (2017) and Beyond the Pink Tide: Art and Politics in the Americas (forthcoming UC Press, 2018).

Gómez-Barris is series editor, with Diana Taylor, of Dissident Acts, a Duke University Press Series, and was Fulbright Fellow at FLACSO-Quito in Ecuador (2014–15). She is the current co-editor with Marcial Godoy-Anatavia of e-misférica, an online trilingual journal on hemispheric art and politics (NYU). And, she is a member of the Social Text journal collective.

At Pratt Institute, she works with a vibrant community of scholars, activists, intellectuals, and students to find alternatives to the impasses produced by racial and extractive capitalism."



"THE EXTRACTIVE ZONE: SOCIAL ECOLOGIES AND DECOLONIAL PERSPECTIVES
In The Extractive Zone Macarena Gómez-Barris traces the political, aesthetic, and performative practices that emerge in opposition to the ruinous effects of extractive capital. The work of Indigenous activists, intellectuals, and artists in spaces Gómez-Barris labels extractive zones—majority indigenous regions in South America noted for their biodiversity and long history of exploitative natural resource extraction—resist and refuse the terms of racial capital and the continued legacies of colonialism. Extending decolonial theory with race, sexuality, and critical Indigenous studies, Gómez-Barris develops new vocabularies for alternative forms of social and political life. She shows how from Colombia to southern Chile artists like filmmaker Huichaqueo Perez and visual artist Carolina Caycedo formulate decolonial aesthetics. She also examines the decolonizing politics of a Bolivian anarcho-feminist collective and a coalition in eastern Ecuador that protects the region from oil drilling. In so doing, Gómez-Barris reveals the continued presence of colonial logics and locates emergent modes of living beyond the boundaries of destructive extractive capital. Published by Duke University Press."



"BEYOND THE PINK TIDE
In times of deep uncertainty and chaos, how can we rethink, revise, and remake politics? Beyond the Pink Tide cautions our overinvestment in national electoral processes and its crashing ebbs and flows to expand the meaning of politics. I examine a constellation of sites, texts, and movements that reveal how the project of social and economic transformation exists beyond state regime change. In particular, I show how the alternatives posed by the recent electoral wave of Left-leaning Latin American states often called “The Pink Tide” do not exhaust the terrain of current progressive and radical political potential in the Americas. How do artistic and political undercurrents offer another course of action? This book describes how dissenting art and social expressions redefine the realm of the political. Published by University of California Press."



"WHERE MEMORY DWELLS
The 1973 military coup in Chile deposed the democratically elected Salvador Allende and installed a dictatorship that terrorized the country for almost twenty years. Subsequent efforts to come to terms with the national trauma have resulted in an outpouring of fiction, art, film, and drama. In this ethnography, Macarena Gómez-Barris examines cultural sites and representations in postdictatorship Chile—what she calls "memory symbolics"—to uncover the impact of state-sponsored violence. She surveys the concentration camp turned memorial park, Villa Grimaldi, documentary films, the torture paintings of Guillermo Núñez, and art by Chilean exiles, arguing that two contradictory forces are at work: a desire to forget the experiences and the victims, and a powerful need to remember and memorialize them. By linking culture, nation, and identity, Gómez-Barris shows how those most affected by the legacies of the dictatorship continue to live with the presence of violence in their bodies, in their daily lives, and in the identities they pass down to younger generations. Published by University of California Press."



"TOWARD A SOCIOLOGY OF THE TRACE
Editors: Herman Gray and Macarena Gómez-Barris

Using culture as an entry point, and informed by the work of contemporary social theorists, the essays in this volume identify and challenge sites where the representational dimension of social life produces national identity through scripts of belonging, or traces.

The contributors utilize empirically based studies of social policy, political economy, and social institutions to offer a new way of looking at the creation of meaning, representation, and memory. They scrutinize subjects such as narratives in the U.S. coal industry's change from digging mines to removing mountaintops; war-related redress policies in post-World War II Japan; views of masculinity linked to tequila, Pancho Villa, and the Mexican Revolution; and the politics of subjectivity in 1970s political violence in Thailand. Published by University of Minnesota Press.

Contributors: Sarah Banet-Weiser, U of Southern California; Barbara A. Barnes, U of California, Berkeley; Marie Sarita Gaytán; Avery F. Gordon, U of California, Santa Barbara; Tanya McNeill, U of California, Santa Cruz; Sudarat Musikawong, Willamette U; Akiko Naono, U of Kyushu; Rebecca R. Scott, U of Missouri."
macarenagómez-barris  capitalism  chile  latinamerica  sociology  trace  decolonization  art  politics  culture  society  ethnography  film  alvadorallende  pinochet 
january 2018 by robertogreco
Nicole L'Huillier | Space is the place
"Research Assistant MIT Media Lab - PhD in Media Arts & Sciences

Hola! I am a Chilean interdisciplinary artist, musician and architect based in Boston. I am currently based at the MIT Media Lab as a PhD researcher in the Opera of The Future group. My work explores spatial experience, perception and the relationship between sound & space. I work at the intersection of art, music, architecture, science, and technology in order to build new experiences that reconnect us with our sense of awe and wonder, while modeling and re-shaping human cognition. I am also an experimental musician, drummer, singer, synth lover and one-half of the space pop duo Breaking Forms. I am currently creating multi-sensory immersive environments, to open questions about possible futures, redefine how we perceive our world, and most importantly: trigger connection and empathy between human and non-human agents. My work is based on the idea of sound as a spatial fact, and architecture as a medium not for a purpose but for an effect. I’ve been invited to exhibit work, perform, give talks and do projects for the ACADIA 2017, 13th Media Arts Bienal Chile 2017, meConvention SXSW 2017, Venice Biennale Architettura 2016, MFA Museum Boston, SXSW Festival 2016, Festival FIIS 2016, NEWINC. New Museum NYC, Guggenheim Museum NYC, Sónar Sound Festival Santiago, XII Media Arts Biennial Chile 2015, XIX Architecture Biennial Chile 2015, XIII Architecture Biennial Sao Paulo 2013, Lollapalooza Festival, Centro Cultura GAM Santiago, Festival Primavera Fauna, Museo Arte Precolombino Santiago, Parque Bicentenario Santiago, among others."

[See also:
https://soundcloud.com/nicole-lhuillier
https://twitter.com/nikita_lh
https://www.instagram.com/nico_lh/
https://www.media.mit.edu/people/nicolelh/overview/
https://musesmilk.tumblr.com/post/131649881720/nicole-lhuillier

https://breakingforms.bandcamp.com/
https://www.instagram.com/breakingforms/
https://twitter.com/BreakingForms
https://twitter.com/juanneco
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCVSXoBV0ZtIOHtXVKrmeryQ ]

[via:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vzEcVEFdIHs
https://soundcloud.com/nicole-lhuillier/ephemeral-urbanism-cities-in-constant-flux ]
nicolel'huillier  sound  audio  chile  art  artists  music  breakingforms 
october 2017 by robertogreco
NOTHING | but the textures of my body de Nicole L'Huillier
"*These songs are composed for headphones.

[https://soundcloud.com/nicole-lhuillier/sets/things

1 NOTHING | but the textures of my body
2 SOMETHING | mindscapes
3 EVERYTHING | the space we share ]

THINGS is my first solo album. It consists of three tracks, and each one contains a different scale of sonic spatial scenario. This way, THINGS is constructed by 1. NOTHING (but the textures of my body), this track alludes to the nonexistent and constructed idea of the perception of silence by presenting a composition of the ever-present bodily textures. 2. SOMETHING (mindscapes) exposes the capacity of roaming from one mental space to another. To do so, the 5 different parts of this track are composed of frequencies that can stimuli different brain waves. The last track 3. EVERYTHING (the space we share) builds a sonic portrait of the place I grew up and the common sonic scenarios we all share in our culture. This piece gathers field recordings done during my last visit to Chile, my country of origin.

THINGS was released as a sound installation at the me Convention, SXSW, Frankfurt, September 2017. The installation was done using the radio as a spatial medium and was diffused in 3 different radio channels that could be tuned in with radios and headphones provided for the assistants. This way, THINGS presents different scales or layers of spaces by using in its physical form the radio as a mobile space and a transversal sonic architecture."
sound  audio  nicolel'huillier  chile  binaural  soundscapes  2017  silence  binauralrecording 
october 2017 by robertogreco
Ephemeral Urbanism: Cities in Constant Flux - YouTube
urbanism  urban  cities  ephemerality  ephemeral  2016  rahulmehrotra  felipevera  henrynbauer  cristianpinoanguita  religion  celebration  transaction  trade  economics  informal  formal  thailand  indi  us  dominicanrepublic  cochella  burningman  fikaburn  southafrica  naturaldisaters  refugees  climatechange  mozambique  haiti  myanmar  landscape  naturalresources  extraction  mining  chile  indonesia  military  afghanistan  refuge  jordan  tanzania  turkey  greece  macedonia  openness  rigidity  urbandesign  urbanplanning  planning  adhoc  slums  saudiarabia  hajj  perú  iraq  flexibility  unfinished  completeness  sustainability  ecology  mobility 
october 2017 by robertogreco
Documenting U.S. Role in Democracy’s Fall and Dictator’s Rise in Chile - The New York Times
"A dimly lit underground gallery guides visitors through a maze of documents — presidential briefings, intelligence reports, cables and memos — that describe secret operations and intelligence gathering carried out in Chile by the United States from the Nixon years through the Reagan presidency."



"“These documents have helped us rewrite Chile’s contemporary history,” said Francisco Estévez, director of the museum. “This exhibit is a victory in the fight against negationism, the efforts to deny and relativize what happened during our dictatorship.”

The Memory and Human Rights Museum opened in 2010 during the first term of President Michelle Bachelet and offers a chronological reconstruction of the 17-year Pinochet government through artifacts, recordings, letters, videos, photographs, artwork and other material. About 150,000 people visit the museum annually, a third of them groups of students, Mr. Estévez said.

The National Security Archive donated a selection of 3,000 declassified documents to the museum several years ago, while the State Department provided the Chilean government with copies of the entire collection. Chileans, however, have rarely seen them.

“To see on a piece of paper, for example, the president of the United States ordering the C.I.A. to preemptively overthrow a democratically elected president in Chile is stunning,” Mr. Kornbluh said. “The importance of having these documents in the museum is for the new generations of Chileans to actually see them.”"
chile  2017  us  cia  salvadorallende  pinochet  1973  1970  history 
october 2017 by robertogreco
The United States Didn’t Just Help Topple Allende—We Trained the Economists, Too | The Nation
"A new documentary, Chicago Boys, looks at the Chilean economists who brought neoliberalism from the halls of Chicago to the policies of Latin America."
chicagoboys  economics  miltonfriedman  chile  history  pinochet  us  salvadorallende  economists  policy  politics  greggrandin  2015  1973 
september 2017 by robertogreco
The Assassination of Orlando Letelier and the Politics of Silence
"FORTY YEARS AGO last night, agents working for the Chilean secret service attached plastic explosives to the bottom of Orlando Letelier’s Chevrolet as it sat in the driveway of his family’s home in Bethesda, Maryland, just outside Washington, D.C.

A few blocks away, across Massachusetts Avenue, my family’s Pinto sat in our driveway unmolested. Our whole neighborhood, including my mother, father, sister, and me, slept through everything.

Forty years ago this morning, the Chilean agents followed Letelier as he drove himself into Washington, down Massachusetts to the think tank where he worked. The bomb went off as Letelier went around Sheridan Circle, ripping off most of the lower half of his body. He died shortly afterward, as did Ronni Moffitt, a 25-year-old American who’d been in the car with him. A second passenger, Moffitt’s husband Michael, survived.

Letelier’s murder was ordered by the Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, who’d overthrown the country’s democratically elected president Salvador Allende three years before in a military coup. Letelier, who had been Allende’s defense minister, was arrested during the coup and tortured for a year until Pinochet bowed to international pressure and released him. But in Washington, Letelier became the leading international voice of the opposition to Pinochet, who decided he had to be eliminated.

There are still many unanswered questions about this time. Exactly how complicit was the U.S. in the overthrow of the Chilean government? Why did the CIA ignore a cable telling it that Chile’s agents were heading to the U.S.? Why did Henry Kissinger, then Secretary of State, cancel a warning to Chile not to kill its overseas opponents just five days before Letelier was murdered?

But for me, the most interesting question is this: How it is possible I was right there but didn’t learn about the assassination of Orlando Letelier until 20 years later?

Social Silence

It’s true I was only in second grade when Letelier was killed. But this was a mafia-like hit executed in the middle of our placid, leafy suburb. Moreover, it goes far beyond Letelier – the entire neighborhood was dripping with the bloody history of Chile:

• If you went a few blocks in the other direction from Letelier’s home you’d come to the house of Ted Shackley, on Sangamore Road. Shackley, sometimes called “The Blond Ghost,” was head of the CIA’s Western Hemisphere Division in 1973, and played a key role in encouraging Pinochet’s coup. Shackley’s house was directly across the street from Brookmont Elementary School – where my sister and I were on the morning of September 21, 1976.

• Down the hill from our house was Western Junior High, where my sister would later go. One of Western’s other alumni is Michelle Bachelet, the current president of Chile. After the coup, Bachelet’s father was tortured to death; Bachelet and her mother were tortured as well.

• When Letelier was killed, his son Francisco was called out of geometry class at Walt Whitman High School – which both my sister and I would later attend.

• Our neighborhood was directly across the Potomac River from the CIA’s headquarters in Virginia. It was so close that one of our neighbors who worked there commuted there on nice days by canoe.

• On Letelier’s final drive into Washington, his path appears to have taken him within a block of St. Columba’s Episcopal Church; its parishioners at the time included George H.W. Bush, then head of the CIA. Shortly after Letelier was killed, the CIA leaked a false report to Newsweek that Pinochet hadn’t been involved.

Given all this, you might guess that the adults would have mentioned something about Letelier’s assassination – not necessarily to decry it but simply to liven up the endless car pooling to soccer practice. That never happened.

Nor was this an aberration. In addition to soccer practice, there was lots of pee wee football practice at Woodacres Park around the corner from Letelier’s house. During the fall of 1980, my father volunteered to sub as coach if Iran released the hostages being held in Tehran – because our regular coach worked for the Defense Department and was part of the team that was on call to debrief them. All we kids knew about this was that these strange foreigners were angry at us for some incomprehensible foreign reason. No one informed us that the U.S. had overthrown Iran’s government in 1953, so Iranians had rational reasons to be hostile toward us.

So despite the fact that it was right there in front of me, I didn’t learn about Letelier (or the U.S. history with Iran) from adults, or TV, or in high school, or college. I had to learn about them on my own, by getting books out of the library and reading them.

Shhhhhhhhhh

The answer to my question, I now believe, is that this is the way all countries work. Anthropologists call this phenomenon “social silence” – the most important aspects of how societies work are exactly the ones that are never discussed and most easily forgotten.

But it’s impossible to suppress the past completely – it inevitably leaks out around the edges, even if just as a generalized anxiety. I remember when my Bethesda friends and I went to see “Blue Velvet” when it came out in 1986 and how completely it made sense to us: Everything is polished, happy, and mundane on the surface, while underneath there’s an eternal, animalistic, merciless struggle for power.

Orlando Letelier is gone and he’s not coming back. We can’t change that. But we can break the social silence about his death, who we are as a country, and what we’re capable of doing."
chile  orlandoletelier  2016  pinochet  history  jonschwarz  terrorism  us  socialsilence  silence  henrykissinger  salvadorallende 
september 2017 by robertogreco
Memories of Underdevelopment | Museum of Contemporary Art San Diego
"In collaboration with Museo Jumex in Mexico City and the Museo de Arte de Lima, MCASD will present an exhibition examining the ways in which Latin American artists from the 1960s to the 1980s responded to the unraveling of the utopian promise of modernization after World War II, most notably in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela. In the immediate postwar period, artists had eagerly embraced the “transition to modernity,” creating a new abstract geometric language meant to capture its idealistic possibilities. As modernization failed, and political oppression and brutal military dictatorships followed, avant-garde artists increasingly abandoned abstraction and sought new ways to connect with the public, engaging directly with communities and often incorporating popular strategies from film, theater, and architecture into their work. Memories of Underdevelopment will be the first significant survey exhibition of these crucial decades and will highlight the work not only of well-known artists such as Hélio Oiticica and Lygia Pape but also lesser-known artists from Colombia, Peru, Chile, and Uruguay.

Memories of Underdevelopment is organized by the Museum of Contemporary Art San Diego in partnership with the Museo de Arte de Lima and the Fundación Jumex Arte Contemporáneo. Lead support is provided through grants from the Getty Foundation. Additional support provided through a grant from the National Endowment for the Arts. This project has received generous underwriting support from Maryanne and Irwin Pfister and the LLWW Foundation. Institutional support of MCASD is provided by the City of San Diego Commission for Arts and Culture, and the County of San Diego Community Enhancement Fund."
colombia  chile  uruguay  brazil  brasil  mexico  venezuela  latinamerica  argentina  héliooiticica  lygiapape  modernity  development  mcasd  tosee  togo  1960s  1970s  1980s  art  architecture  perú 
august 2017 by robertogreco
Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs vs. The Max Neef Model of Human Scale development
"Maslow wanted to understand what motivated people , in order to accomplish that he studied the various needs of people and created a hierarchy out of those needs. The idea was that the needs that belong towards the end of the Pyramid are Deficit Needs/ Basic Needs (Physiological, safety, love/belonging, esteem) and Growth Needs (Self Actualization).

One must satisfy lower level basic needs before progressing on to meet higher level growth needs. Once these needs have been reasonably satisfied, one may be able to reach the highest level called self-actualization.

CRITICISM

The strongest criticism of this theory is based on the way this theory was formed. In order to create a definition of Self Actualization, Maslow identified 18 people as Self Actualizers and studied their characteristics, this is a very small percentage of people. Secondly there are artists, philosophers who do not meet the basic needs but show signs of Self Actualization.

One of the interesting ways of looking at theories that I learned in class was how a person’s place and identity impacts the work he/ she does. Maslow was from US, a capitalist nation, therefore his model never looks at group dynamics or the social aspect.

Contemporary research by Tay & Diener (2011) has tested Maslow’s theory by analyzing the data of 60,865 participants from 123 countries, representing every major region of the world. The survey was conducted from 2005 to 2010.
Respondents answered questions about six needs that closely resemble those in Maslow’s model: basic needs (food, shelter); safety; social needs (love, support); respect; mastery; and autonomy. They also rated their well-being across three discrete measures: life evaluation (a person’s view of his or her life as a whole), positive feelings (day-to-day instances of joy or pleasure), and negative feelings (everyday experiences of sorrow, anger, or stress).

The results of the study support the view that universal human needs appear to exist regardless of cultural differences. However, the ordering of the needs within the hierarchy was not correct.
“Although the most basic needs might get the most attention when you don’t have them,” Diener explains, “you don’t need to fulfill them in order to get benefits [from the others].” Even when we are hungry, for instance, we can be happy with our friends. “They’re like vitamins,” Diener says about how the needs work independently. “We need them all.”

Source : http://www.simplypsychology.org/maslow.html

vs.

Max Neef Model of Human Scale Development

Manfred max- Neef is a Chilean Economist. He defines the model as a taxonomy of human needs and a process by which communities can identify their “wealths” and “poverties” according to how these needs are satisfied.

He describes needs as being constant through all cultures and across historical time periods. The thing that changes with time and across cultures is the way that these needs are satisfied. According to the model human needs are to be understood as a system i.e. they are interrelated and interactive.

According to Max Neef the fundamental needs of humans are

• subsistence
• protection
• affection
• understanding
• participation
• leisure
• creation
• identity
• freedom

Max-Neef further classifies Satisfiers (ways of meeting needs) as follows.

1. Violators: claim to be satisfying needs, yet in fact make it more difficult to satisfy a need.

2. Pseudo Satisfiers: claim to be satisfying a need, yet in fact have little to no effect on really meeting such a need.

3. Inhibiting Satisfiers: those which over-satisfy a given need, which in turn seriously inhibits the possibility of satisfaction of other needs.

4. Singular Satisfiers: satisfy one particular need only. These are neutral in regard to the satisfaction of other needs.

5. Synergistic Satisfiers: satisfy a given need, while simultaneously contributing to the satisfaction of other needs.

It is interesting to note that Max-Neef came from Chile which was a socialist nation and therefore his model was more inclusive by considering society at large.

Hi, this article is a part of a series of articles I am writing while studying Design Led Innovation at Srishti Institute of Art, Design & Technology. They are meant to be reflections on things I learn or read about during this time.I look forward to any feedback or crit that you can provide. :)"
nhakhandelwal  2016  abrahammaslow  manfredmaxneef  psychology  self-actualization  humans  humanneeds  needs  motivation  safety  self-esteem  respect  mastery  autonomy  emotions  humandevelopment  creation  freedom  identity  leisure  understanding  participation  affection  protection  subsistence  classideas  sfsh  chile  culture  systemsthinking  humanscale  scale 
august 2017 by robertogreco
Hello World: Explore the Tech World Outside Silicon Valley With Ashlee Vance
"Hello World invites the viewer to come on a journey. It's a journey that stretches across the globe to find the inventors, scientists and technologists shaping our future. Each episode explores a different country and uncovers the ways in which the local culture and surroundings have influenced their approach to technology. Join journalist and best-selling author Ashlee Vance on a quest to find the freshest, weirdest tech creations and the beautiful freaks behind them.

Episode 1: New Zealand
New Zealand’s freaky AI babies, robot exoskeletons, and a virtual you.

Episode 2: Sweden
We explore Sweden's magical treehouses, faceswapping robots, and enjoy fika with Spotify’s Daniel Ek.

Episode 3: Israel
Learn how the constant threat of war has shaped Israel's tech industry.

Episode 4: Iceland
Iceland's punishing terrain inspires cutting-edge tech.

Episode 5: Mojave Desert
America's most passionate and daring inventors have built an engineering paradise in the middle of nowhere.

Episode 6: Australia
Bio-hackers, Internet playboys, and underwater drones have ignited Australia’s long-dormant tech industry.

Episode 7: England
Once a computing pioneer, England has struggled to remain relevant in tech. Now, a revival appears to be on the way.

Episode 8: Japan
Japan's obsessive robot inventors are creating the future.

Episode 9: Russia
Grab yourself a vodka and witness the bizarre spectacle that is Russian technology.

Episode 10: Chile
Searching for the origins of the universe in the Earth’s driest desert."
technology  video  chile  russia  japan  england  australia  mojavedesert  iceland  israel  sweden  newzealand  ashleevance 
july 2017 by robertogreco
Hello World, Episode 10: Searching for the Origins of the Universe in Chile
"Episode 10: With its extreme conditions and geological oddities, Chile is a prime spot for major tech projects."
chile  atacama  observatories  technology  lithium  desert  startups  makerspaces  2016  sanpedrodeatacama  santiago  astronomy  ashleevance 
july 2017 by robertogreco
Y-Fi
"Experience Loading Animations / Screens in wifi speeds around the world. This website was inspired by this conversation I had on twitter. I was home (Nigeria) for a bit before I started work and was annoyed at how long I had to look at loading animations. I wondered how long people wanted to wait around the world screaming.

Notes / How this works

• Data about wifi speeds is from: Akamai's State of the Internet / Connectivity Report.

• I chose countries based on what suprised me and to get diversity across speeds.

• To get most data about loading times, I used a combination of Firefox DevTools and the Network Panel on Chrome DevTools. For Gmail I used this article on Gmail's Storage Quota.

• The wifi speeds and sizes of resources are hard-coded in so you can see them and the rest of the code at the repo.

• Any other questions / thoughts? Hit me up on twitter!"

[via: https://twitter.com/YellzHeard/status/890990574827851777 via @senongo]
omayeliarenyeka  internet  webdev  webdesign  wifi  broadband  nigeria  loading  speed  diversity  accessibility  paraguay  egypt  namibia  iran  morocco  argentina  india  southafrica  saudiarabia  mexico  china  chile  greece  ue  france  australia  russia  kenya  israel  thailand  uk  us  taiwan  japan  singapore  hongkong  noray  southkorea  perú 
july 2017 by robertogreco
The Back Page » Photograph Magazine: July/August 2017
"We asked Teju Cole to tell us about a picture that means something to him, and why. The exhibition Teju Cole: Blind Spot and Black Paper is on view at Steven Kasher Gallery through August 11. Cole is the photography critic for The New York Times Magazine, and his fourth volume, Blind Spot, was recently published by Random House.

It takes your breath away. You have entered the marvelous. The photographer is Sergio Larraín, and the photograph is Passage Bavestrello, Valparaíso, Chile, 1952. Two girls in crisp afternoon light, seen from behind, each in a pale-colored dress, each with a bob haircut, each holding a single bottle. An image on the verge of impossibility.

One version of the story is that Larraín had seen a girl carrying a bottle, perhaps on some errand, and had asked her to pause. As he set up his shot, a second girl walked into the frame. He would later say it was the first of his magic images.

Larraín’s subjects were common: sailors, dogs, children, vagrants, prostitutes: anyone who walked the steep sinuous streets of Valparaíso could be slotted into his pictures and look as though he’d placed them there. His geometries were as precise as Cartier-Bresson’s. Like Robert Frank, he was preternaturally attuned to dream states. “A good image is created by a state of grace,” he wrote. “Grace expresses itself when it has been freed from conventions, free like a child in his early discovery of reality. The game is then to organize the rectangle.”

Larraín dropped out of the game early. In the early 70s, he drifted away from Magnum and reportage and took on a life of reclusive meditation. He was a figure of legend by the time he died in 2012. The photographs he left behind are astonishments, none more so than Passage Bavestrello."
tejucole  sergiolarraín  valparaíso  chile  photography  2017  1952 
july 2017 by robertogreco
Elías Figueroa - Wikipedia
"Elías Ricardo Figueroa Brander (born 25 October 1946 in Valparaíso) is a Chilean former football player. He is widely regarded by several pundits as his Chile's greatest footballer of all time, as well as one of the greatest defenders of all time.

Figueroa played for several clubs during his long career, notably his hometown club Santiago Wanderers, Brazilian club Internacional and Uruguayan club Peñarol. He also represented Chile 47 times, appearing in three FIFA World Cups, in 1966, 1974, and 1982.

Figueroa was noted for his elegant style of play, his composure in the centre of defense and his ability to cut out opposition attacks and immediately launch counterattacks from the back with his passing. He was also praised throughout his career for being a gentleman on and off the pitch. He was twice awarded the Bola de Ouro, the Brazilian Player of the year award whilst playing for Internacional in 1972 and 1976. He was also awarded the South American Footballer of the Year three times in a row by Venezuelan newspaper El Mundo in 1974, 1975 and 1976. He was named Best Player in Uruguay in 1967 and 1968, and Best Player in Chile in 1977 and 1978. After retiring, he was named one of the world's 125 best living soccer players by Pelé in 2004, and was also voted 8th best South American and 37th best player in the world of the 20th Century by the IFFHS in 1999."



"Shortly after his time in Brazil, Figueroa returned to his homeland in 1977, joining Palestino, with whom he won the Chilean National Championship in 1977 and 1978, also being named the Best Player in Chile in both of those seasons. Like many prominent ageing figures in world football at the time, in 1981 he went to the United States, where he played in the North American Soccer League for the Fort Lauderdale Strikers. Finally, he returned to Chile once again later that year, transferring to Colo-Colo in Santiago, where he ended his career. In 1982, after a 20-year career, he officially retired from professional football. In total he amassed an impressive 22 titles."

[See also: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E90NWsTLrh8
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/El%C3%ADas_Figueroa
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iFXSHSzc9W8
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=121KkylSsUc ]
elíasfigueroa  futbol  football  soccer  sports  valparaíso  chile  santiagowanderers  palestino  nasl  colo-colo  peñarol  defenders 
july 2017 by robertogreco
Joe Vasconcellos – La joya del pacifico - YouTube
"Eres un arco iris de múltiples colores
tu Valparaíso puerto principal
tus mujeres son blancas margaritas
todas ellas arrancadas de tu mar
Al mirarte de Playa Ancha lindo puerto
allí se ven las naves al salir y al entrar
el marino te canta esta canción
yo sin ti no vivo puerto de mi amor
Del Cerro Los Placeres yo me pase al Barón
me vine al cordillera en busca de tu amor
te fuiste al Cerro Alegre y yo siempre detrás
porteña buena moza no me hagas sufrir mas
la plaza de la victoria es un centro social
o Avenida Pedro Montt como tú no hay otra igual
mas yo quisiera cantarte con todito el corazón
torpedera de mi ensueño Valparaíso de mi amor
En mis primeros años yo quise descubrir
la historia de tus cerros jugando al volantín
como las mariposas que vuelan entre las rosas
yo recorrí tus cerros hasta el ultimo confín
Yo me aleje de ti puerto querido
y al retornar de nuevo te vuelvo a contemplar
la Joya del Pacifico te llaman los marinos
y yo te llamo encanto como Viña del Mar
Del Cerro Los Placeres... (repite coro)
Con todo mi corazón...hasta el ultimo confín
con todo mi corazón...yo te vengo a contemplar
con todo mi corazón...Valparaíso de mi amor
con todo mi corazón...como tu no hay otra igual
con todo mi corazón...Valparaíso de mi amor,
con todo mi corazón...Valparaíso de mi amor!"

[See also: https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_joya_del_Pac%C3%ADfico
http://www.estrellavalpo.cl/prontus4_noticias/site/artic/20070428/pags/20070428004816.html

used here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E90NWsTLrh8

other versions:
Tito Fernández https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ttZH1_RmZF8
Lucho Barrios (2007) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UVE-Gi7bGFY
Lucho Barrios (1998) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3zhycjo1E1s
Jorge Farias https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HV4OM01Fufw
Palmenia Pizarro https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=99w74v8j7e8
Joe Vasconcellos https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bqf2pqIpThw ]
music  songs  valparaíso  viñadelmar  joevasconcelos  víctoracosta  lázarosalgado  chile  titofernández  luchobarrios  jogefarias  palmeniapizarro 
july 2017 by robertogreco
Palestino: A Home Away from Home • Copa90
[See also: https://thefunambulist.net/magazine/racialized-incarceration ]

"THE ONLY CLUB OF ITS KIND

Sport Club Palestino is unique in the world. There is no other club with the same name or which flies the Palestinian flag so freely, and all of this occurs 13,000 kilometres from their “homeland”. The club owes its existence to the fact that the Palestinian community in Chile is the largest in the world, outside of the Middle East. It is believed that the population of Palestinian descendants in Chile is around 500,000, their ancestors arriving approximately a century ago, standing out as successful business people that today are the owners of communication companies, supermarkets and factories.

However, Palestino is different to the other colonial football clubs in Chile, and perhaps around the world, due to their claims for independence, which although hidden, are intrinsic to their very existence. Union Española and Audax Italiano, for example, are also colonial football clubs in Chile, founded by immigrants, but neither of them harbour claims for independence as part of their natural fabric. There are others that may point to Atlanta in Argentina, which has an important Jewish influence, however Atlanta wasn’t founded by Jews and doesn´t have a name or an emblem that evokes images of Israel or the Jewish people. Palestino can also be distinguished from clubs such as Athletic de Bilbao, which is located in the geographic heart of the Basque territory and its claims for independence; Palestino is not located in Palestine, but on the other side of the world.

THE SHIRT AND THE MAP

Palestino is not involved in politics and there is no nationalistic indoctrination for their players or officials. In general, Palestino has taken care to strictly brand the club as a sporting club, steering clear from politics; well, almost always – there were a couple times in recent history where this did not hold true.

The first example was in 2002 where a little controversy was stirred when the goalkeeper, Leonardo Cauteruchi, wore a shirt displaying a drawing of the map of Palestine on his chest. However, the situation in 2014 was different, as it was an institutional decision. When commencing the Chilean Championship during January (which may sounds ridiculous), Palestino released a new playing shirt that replaced the number one with a silhouette of a map of Palestine according to the original boundaries that existed before the creation of the state of Israel under United Nations resolution. Palestino managed to play three games in the new shirt before the Jewish community created an uproar.

The matter reached the international press, causing an enraged Israeli Foreign Affairs Ministry to call and inform Israel and its diplomats in Chile to encourage them to express their discontent with the provocation. The simple symbol of a map on the shirt of a humble – sometimes the most humble – club in the Chilean first division was on the front page around the world.

With much commotion, Palestino was economically sanctioned by the disciplinary tribunal of the Chilean football association (Tribunal de Disciplina de la Asociación Nacional de Fútbol Profesional) and required to replace the map with a more traditional number one. The club president, Fernando Aguad, refused to budge and, rather than replacing the map with the number one he simply moved it to the front of the shirt, where it remains to this day. The decision to replace the number one with the Palestinian map was a complete success. Even though they weren’t able to use that shirt during an official match, they could sell it. Sales of the shirt increased more than 300% and the club received orders from France, Morocco, Turkey, Portugal, Germany, Spain, Brazil, Colombia and, of course, the Middle East.

This incident showed the tremendous symbolic power of Palestino and also justified the club´s institutional decision not to become involved in politics, knowing that if they persisted and became involved in politics the club would quickly find themselves at the heart of a grand conflict. Palestino has the name, the colours and the Palestinian flag, which flies freely at the home stadium (Estadio Municipal de La Cisterna), but the club has decided to not directly involve themselves in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, even though they know that thousands of Palestinians follow them through the internet and satellite television from the occupied territories."



"PALESTINE AND PALESTINO

Roberto Bishara´s whole body was in pain, for 26 hours he had been on a plane that had been delayed in its journey from Santiago to Tel Aviv. We are talking about 2008, in the middle of Palestino´s epic championship campaign, the final which would end up being seen by hundreds of fans in Ramallah on the other side of the world. Bishara was walking through the airport in Tel Aviv, slightly limping with the pins and needles that are typical of those who undertake the transatlantic journey in economy class. It was the first time that he had gone to play for the Palestinian national team. The Faisal Al- Husseini stadium, just 600 meters from the wall that divides Israel and the West Bank, was holding its first game in two years after being destroyed by an Israeli shelling. It was, no less, the first Palestinian national match being played in Palestine. The rival was Jordan, or at least that is what Bishara was trying to explain to the Israeli security forces during two hours of questioning in a dark room at Ben Gurion airport. Bishara, who would one year later became captain of the Palestinian national team, had to leave behind his suitcase and his camera, but finally he was permitted to leave the airport so that he could play in the historic match the ended in a 1-1 draw.

Although there are many Chileans that have played for the Palestinian national team, Edgardo Abdala, Leonardo Zamora, Alexis Norambuena, Patricio Acevedo, Pablo Abdala and Matías Jadue, among others, but none of them are as emblematic as Roberto “Tito” Bishara. Even Roberto Kettlun, who played more than 20 games for the Palestine national team and played with Hilal Al-Quds in the local league, does not match the figure of Tito Bishara. Kettlun told us recently: “many times equipment that was sent to us by FIFA was blocked, together with specialist coaches and sporting manuals. When we tried to bring in coaches and trainers to provide us with support, often they were stopped at the border and prevented from entering. Further, we organised tournaments but were forced to send back half of our opponents as they were not permitted to enter.”

More than rival defenders, the greatest enemy of the Palestinian national team are the Israeli check points that limit the freedom of movement within the Palestinian territories. As Bishara tells, many players miss training as they are detained for hours without reason. However, worse than the restrictions on movement is the ever present threat of death. Bishara recounts a day when a friend of his arrived crying, but it was a quiet sobbing, without outward scandal – his grandmother had been killed when a bomb landed on her house. Bishara couldn´t believe what he was hearing, but the others simply got on with training the following day as if nothing out of the ordinary had occurred. As Bishara states, “I never got over the sensation of playing in the middle of a war zone, but the others seem to be accustomed to it”.

When the Palestinian national team play, the public display a great level of enthusiasm as everyone is aware of the tremendous value in the mere existence of the team, meaning that, sometimes, they celebrate goals with more euphoria than the fans of other nations. A Palestinian goal in our stadium sounds like more than a hundred cannons, once said Bishara. In that stadium, although fragile, in shattered Palestine, you can see – in many places – the shirts of Palestino being proudly worn, with the Palestinian map sitting on the back."
futboll  football  chile  palestino  shuaibahmed  2008  2014  2016  politics  geopolitics  refugees  santiago  sports  nicolásvidal 
july 2017 by robertogreco
CD Palestino: a Palestinian club in Chile
"The Crimean War of the 1850s, World War II and the Arab-Israel Wars in the mid 1900s resulted in many Palestinians taking refuge in neighbouring countries like Jordan and Syria. But, many are not aware of the fact that approximately 500,000 individuals somehow made their way to the Chilean capital of Santiago, to escape persecution and to provide a better life for themselves and their families. Santiago, and wider Chile, soon became home to the largest Palestinian diaspora outside the Middle East.

Fast forward to present times and there’s a unique club that was formed in the 1920s with the intention of benefitting – through sport – Santiago’s growing Palestinian community, fairly similar to the thought process behind Scotland’s Glasgow Celtic was shaped by Brother Walfrid.

In one way, it’s possible to consider Club Deportivo Palestino as the first football club ever founded by refugees globally, with its name intentionally pinpointing their Palestinian roots. Since then, the club had added two national (Primera Division) titles in 1955 and 1978, two Copa Chiles in 1975 and 1977, and a two Primera B titles, in 1952 and 1972. In current times, though the club has not lived up to its exaggerated expectations, the fan base continues to grow – primarily because of their continued devotion and support for the Palestinian cause, now thousands of miles away.

The club’s home colors include the Palestinian colors of red, green and white, and it would not be surprising for a neutral to observe Palestinian flags and Keffiyeh, a traditional headdress, adorning supporters during home games at the Estadio Municipal de La Cisterna stadium.

Roberto Kettlun, an ex-Palestino player of Palestinian origin, and an ex Palestinian national team player and current Hilal Al-Quds star, has only good things to say about his two seasons spent at the club.

“I played for two seasons with Palestino club, it was an amazing experience, professionally and also personally, it brought me closer to my origins, and also to the Palestinian national team which provided a platform for me to move to Greece.”

Every time the players step on to the pitch, there is a feeling of not only Chilean eyes but millions of others abroad watching them play. Twenty-seven-year-old Chilean radio commentator and Musician Sebastián Manríquez says: “CD Palestino stands not only for a football club in La Cisterna, but for a well-respected community in Chile, for the land where their founders and fans’ ancestors came from, and for people who are suffering maybe the most inexplicable consequences of an almost endless conflict in the Middle East.

“Palestino, in opposite to the other diaspora football clubs in our country, plays every match with their minds in the field and their hearts kilometers away, knowing that an even larger and greater amount of fans are supporting them from the distance despite the horror and the sadness that every day Palestinians suffer in their everyday lives. And having that in mind, it’s not uncommon that every match against Palestino becomes a hard, fierce and battled confrontation.”

“Fans are double fans, because despite football, here there is an entire country waiting to here for victories outside the territories in order to bring pride, happiness and pride into this occupied territories,” says Kettlun.

And to this accord, Palestinians across the globe, those with interest in football or without, have a similar and growing appreciation for the club.

“I thought it was really cool to have such an established side be part and parcel of the sporting scene in South America. There are only about 11 million of us in the world so to have a club carry our name on the other side of the globe is pretty neat,” says Bassil Mikdadi, a Palestinian football blogger and creator of Footbol Palestine."



"Today, the national team enjoys the technical elegance of the Chileans through the likes of Alexis Norambuena, Jonathan Cantillana and Daniel Kabir Mustafa. Their style of play directly complements the physical strength of the locally based players. This, along with several other factors, has taken Palestine to their current position of 130th in the FIFA World Rankings.

However, CD Palestino’s rise in the global mainstream can largely be attributed to a kit dispute in 2014, which gained instant PR among the many that show camaraderie with the Palestinians. In January 2014, the team walked on to the pitch wearing kits with the No. 1 depicting the 1947 map of Palestine, before the creation of Israel. It drew loud nuances along with appreciation from various parts of the world.

According to a complaint by Patrick Kiblisky, the club president of Chilean club Ñublense: “The figure 1 was replaced by a map of the historic Palestine, before the United Nations resolution of November 20, 1947, which established a Jewish state and an Arab state. This map, which does not take into account the present state of Israel, is a symbol for the Palestinian people. These circumstances mean that its use constitutes a political matter.”

CD Palestino was eventually fined approximately $1,300 by the Chilean FA and was forced to change the design of the jersey.

“It’s impossible to deny that the Tino Tino [Palestino] – as we Chileans call it – is a club like no other in the league. Most of Chilean fans recognize the contributions of Palestinian diaspora in Chile and the historical background that Palestino seek to represent. The majority of the Chilean population supports the Palestinian cause, and because of that I would say, despite the fact that Palestino is not one of the most popular teams in the tournament, their fans are the most respected and supported ones in the Chilean football.

“This respect comes even by fans of their main rivals: the Spanish diaspora’s club Unión Española and the Italian diaspora’s team Audax Italiano. As an example, in the middle of the controversy about replacing the number 1 with the Palestinian map, followers from almost all Primera División participants expressed their support to the club, including fans of Ñublense – club which denounced Palestino, who expressed their disagreement with the demand made by the club’s president, Alex Kiblisky, suggesting that Kiblisky’s Jewish background was determinant in that decision,” says Sebastián

And to the question if Palestino really aims to support the Palestinian cause? According to Roberto: “Yes it does. Specially this last management, they have been very active in our cause, very brave with certain things, and also very patriotic to be daily concern in what is happening on here.”

Though the club accepted the fine and agreed to change the uniform, the message on the club Facebook page was clear. “For us, free Palestine will always be historical Palestine, nothing less.”

It was a clear message from one of the most interesting, politically-charged and unique clubs in world football."
futboll  football  chile  palestino  shuaibahmed  2015  2014  politics  geopolitics  refugees  santiago  sports 
july 2017 by robertogreco
Movie Review - - Film: A Chilean Duo:' Que Hacer' on Bill With 'Allende' The Cast - NYTimes.com
"The recent events in Chile, culminating in the death of the Marxist President, Salvador Allende Gossens, and the imposition of military rule, lend a special poignancy to an unusual and engrossing new film called "Que Hacer" ("What's to Be Done").

Mordant, self-aware, freighted with sensitivity toward Chile's problem, wary of caricature, disposed toward consciousness of human fallibility, it is a deft blend of fiction and documentary set in the tumultuous days leading up to the election of Dr. Allende in 1970.

Although its bias is clearly pro-Allende—its villains are militant rightists, an American foundation representative who talks about "matrices" and, especially, a mysterious American engineer who is most certainly a C.I.A. man—it leaves unresolved the question of precisely what it means to be a revolutionary.

On the documentary level, "Que Hacer" makes its points about Chile and its problems through the faces and voices of its people, the flimsiness of their hovels and the hardship of their lives, in a landscape possessed of mineral and agricultural riches and studded with the billboards of American industry.

On the fictional level, it delineates political argument through a revolutionary returned from Cuba, a Communist legislator living in luxury, his terrorist son, the American engineer, a revolutionary priest and a girl working for the Peace Corps.

The performances by a cast of unfamiliar faces are restrained and appropriately despairing. The mordant commentary comes from occasional glimpses of the film crew itself and particularly from the presence and singing of Country Joe McDonald.

The work of Saul Landau, who produced this film and served as one of its directors, also includes an earlier, well-received documentary on Fidel Castro. "Que Hacer" will remind some audiences of the Costa-Gavras films, "Z" and "State of Siege," although it is less blatantly emotional.

It shares the bill with a 30-minute documentary interview with Dr. Allende, with Mr. Landau asking the questions. History will render its eventual judgment, but at least in this film, Dr. Allende emerges as a compassionate leader who "thought that man should have a different dimension."

The films opened yesterday at the Bleecker Street Cinema."

[See also:

"¡Qué hacer!" [Wikipedia]
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C2%A1Qu%C3%A9_hacer!

"Review: Que Hacer? by Saul Landau, Raul Ruiz, Nina Serrano"
http://fq.ucpress.edu/content/26/2/33

"Película "Que Hacer", Primera parte"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4A6ZRWMNMsc

"Película "Que Hacer", de Saul Landau, Raul Ruiz y Nina Serrano (Segunda Parte)"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HkRVnRnNRTs

"Raúl Ruiz: Cineasta de culto, con más de 200 películas a su haber, desde obras underground de bajo presupuesto hasta superproducciones con estrellas como Marcello Mastroianni y Catherine Deneuve."
https://www.thisischile.cl/raul-ruiz-2/

"El cine político de Raúl Ruiz en el periodo de la Unidad Popular: Desencuentros e ironías"
http://www.r7a.cl/article/el-cine-politico-de-raul-ruiz-en-el-periodo-de-la-unidad-popular-desencuentros-e-ironias/ ]
film  chile  history  saullandau  ninaserrano  raúlruiz  salvadorallende  1970  1973 
july 2017 by robertogreco
Ciudad Emergente | Laboratorio para el Urbanismo Ciudadano
"CEM es un Laboratorio de Tácticas y Herramientas para el Urbanismo Ciudadano. Buscamos construir colectivamente las ciudades para hacerlas más vivibles."



"Ciudad Emergente es un productor de innovación urbana que busca mejorar la calidad de vida en ciudades en desarrollo a través de la gestión de plataformas de información y proyectos participativos de alto impacto. Fundado en 2011 Ciudad Emergente busca ser el principal Centro Latinoamericano especializado en tácticas urbanas y aplicaciones web que permiten recolectar, difundir, socializar y coordinar información valiosa relativa a la calidad de vida en ciudades y barrios en desarrollo.

Nuestra misión es combinar tácticas de activación ciudadana con herramientas de intercomunicación social 2.0 para identificar, construir, validar y mantener sets de indicadores relevantes y atingentes para toda ‘comunidad emergente’. Ciudad Emergente se dedica a desarrollar, adaptar e implementar instrumentos y servicios análogos y digitales de colaboración cívica que faciliten la comunicación efectiva entre tomadores de decisión y sociedad civil, articulando procesos locales de activismo ciudadano y fortaleciendo el capital social de las comunidades."
urban  urbanism  cities  activism  chile  nyc  santiago  civics  latinamerica  development 
june 2017 by robertogreco
Los chilenos en San Francisco de California (recuerdos históricos de la emigración por los descubrimientos del oro, iniciada en 1848) : Hernández Cornejo, Roberto, 1877- : Free Download & Streaming : Internet Archive
""'Terra ignota,' o sea Viaje del país de la crisis al mundo de las maravillas (simples notas a vuelo de ave sobre California, los Estados Unidos de la 'Nueva América' y la Australia (via Japón y la China), según el itinerario del viajero chileno, don José Sergio Ossa en 1874-76) [por Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna]": v. 2, p. 92-319

Vols. 1 and 2 bound together"
chile  sanfrancisco  california  history  1930  books 
february 2017 by robertogreco
"Chilecito," or San Francisco's Little Chile - Curbed SF
"San Francisco has lots of areas defined by their history of ethnic settlement, like Chinatown and Little Italy, with some dating back to the city's earliest days. Many have long since disappeared, like Chilecito, or "Little Chile," the settlement of Chilean miners during the Gold Rush when San Francisco was nothing more than a new-born town.

When gold was first discovered in the Sierra Nevada foothills, some of the first miners to arrive in California to test their luck were from Chile. News of the discovery hit the Chilean port city of Valparaiso in August of 1948, and within six months thousands of Chileans had left for San Francisco. The first wave included savvy merchants who knew the coming influx of people would need supplies, so they brought their families along and set up shops. Next came the experienced miners who bought their own tickets or hired themselves out to rich entrepreneurs. They brought with them vast mining knowledge, more than any men in California possessed, and these "48ers" taught later arrivals how to dig shafts, pan for gold, and find the best locations. Later in the year, people of all walks of life arrived from Chile, including many prostitutes who were welcomed by the overwhelmingly male population. Ships that landed in San Francisco ports were soon deserted, as their crews abandoned them for the mines.

Due to their closer geographical proximity and their mining experience, Chileans were one of the first nationalities to immigrate to California during the Gold Rush. Most settled in a ravine by Telegraph Hill, in a square that today is bound by Montgomery, Pacific, Jackson and Kearny Streets. A report from 1881 described the Little Chile area as "a hollow filled with little wooden huts" where women worked doing the washing, and men were "either on their way or just returned from the mines." Some remained in the city, where they worked as bricklayers, bakers, or dock workers.

The settlement was attacked and robbed on July 15, 1849 by the Hounds, a self-appointed militia group from New York. When a Chilean merchant refused to give them money, they robbed the settlement and set fire to the tents. The event sparked a response in the town's population, and the Hounds were arrested and convicted by a jury of five town leaders. Since there was no prison, they were detained on a ship anchored in the bay.

In 2003, the Chilean Consulate laid the commemorative plaque on Kearny Street near Columbus (in front of Cafe Zoetrope)."
chile  sanfrancisco  history  2012 
february 2017 by robertogreco
Cassettes from Exile - Radio Ambulante
"A few years ago, Dennis Maxwell went to Chile to help his brother move. Among moving boxes they found around 20 cassettes where much of his childhood was recorded. His father lived in exile for a decade, and these cassettes were their main form of communication."

[In Spanish: http://radioambulante.org/audio/los-cassettes-del-exilio ]

[Spanish transcript: http://radioambulante.org/transcripcion/transcripcion-los-cassettes-del-exilio

English transcript: http://radioambulante.org/en/audio-en/translation/translation-cassettes-from-exile ]
chile  exile  2017  dannismaxwell  argentina 
february 2017 by robertogreco
Valparaiso • Sergio Larrain • Magnum Photos
"The experimental Chilean photographer's iconic depictions of his homeland in the 1960s offer intimate insights into the artist’s inner life"

[See also: "Sergio Larrain obituary: Experimental Chilean photographer whose short career resulted in a string of inspirational images"
https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2012/feb/24/sergio-larrain

"Although he was photographically active for scarcely more than a decade and was the author of just four books (all of them now collectors' items), the stature and reputation of the Chilean photographer Sergio Larrain, who has died aged 80, continued to grow after he withdrew from the vibrant European world of street photography to live in a meditational retreat.

Born into a professional family in Santiago (his father was an architect), he began by studying music. At the age of 18, he went to the US and studied forestry at the University of California, Berkeley, before transferring to Ann Arbor, Michigan, in 1954. He also travelled through Europe and the Middle East, taking a camera. When he returned home, he began freelancing for the Brazilian magazine O Cruzeiro with a heart-searing series on street children living on the banks of the Rio Mapuche. The Museum of Modern Art in New York acquired two images for its collection in 1956.

In 1958 Larrain obtained a grant from the British Council to undertake an eight-month reportage project on British cities. The book that resulted focused on London, with the swinging 60s just around the corner, capturing the ebb and flow of crowds on the streets and transport system. The work so impressed Henri Cartier-Bresson that he invited Larrain to join the Magnum agency that he had co-founded in 1948, with "Chim" Seymour, George Rodger and Robert Capa.

Larrain joined as an associate in 1959 and was set a mission impossible: to photograph the mafia boss Giuseppe Russo, wanted for multiple murder by Interpol. Larrain took the task seriously and spent months researching and photographing from Rome to Sicily, where he finally located Russo in Caltanissetta. He then spent a fortnight winning the trust of Russo's bodyguards before passing off his 35mm Leica as an artistic tourist's toy. The pictures of Russo were published in Life in the US and Paris Match in France, before being syndicated globally. In 1961 Larrain became a full member of the world's most famous photographic agency.

In 1963 he published El Rectángulo en la Mano (Rectangle in Hand). In 1966 Una Casa en la Arena (A House in the Sand) appeared, about Pablo Neruda's house on Isla Negra, with a text by the poet. Neruda also supplied the text for perhaps Larrain's most famous book, Valparaiso (1991), containing a striking image of two little girls running down a flight of stone steps, their white frocks and rectangular bobbed haircuts a microcosm of the stark geometry of black shadows and noonday sun.

Larrain recalled taking it "in a state of peace and utter serenity, just pursuing what at the time interested me most. Then, as if from nowhere, first one little girl appeared, shortly joined by another. It was more than perfect, it was a magical image." Agnes Sire, for 20 years desk editor of Magnum (Paris), described it as taken in "not so much a decisive moment as in the state of spirit that he called a state of grace".

Larrain was endlessly experimental. One afternoon in the 1950s, he was taking photographs outside Notre Dame in Paris and captured scenes between a couple which he only noticed when he developed the film. This provided the inspiration for Julio Cortázar's extraordinary 1959 story The Devil's Drool, which in turn was the basis for Michelangelo Antonioni's 1966 film Blow-Up.

In 1968 Editions Rencontre published Chile, in which all but two of the pictures are Larrain's. It is the only book to use his work as illustration, rather than art. The rest of the books issued under his name, published throughout the 1990s primarily as exhibition catalogues, are reprises or re-edits of earlier ones. In 1999 the Valencia Institute of Modern Art held a Larrain retrospective which led to a huge resurgence of interest. This was something Larrain loathed, for by then he had chosen to find his state of grace through meditation.

In 1972 he had met the Bolivian mystic Oscar Ichazo and abandoned photography to study oriental religions, calligraphy and painting, and to practise and teach yoga. First at Ovalle, then moving still further and higher into the mountains to Tulahuén, Larrain led an increasingly isolated life – except in one sense. He became a copious letter-writer. John Morris, the former Magnum bureau chief, described his letters as "all ruminations on the sad state of the world and appeals to me to take action to improve it"."]
chile  photography  valparaíso  1950s  sergiolarraín  magnum  giusepperusso  islanegra  pabloneruda  juliocortázar  henricartier-bresson  robertcapa  georgerodger  chimseymour 
january 2017 by robertogreco
How Henry Kissinger Conspired Against a Sitting President - POLITICO Magazine
"Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who has counseled numerous American presidents and statesmen since he left government in early 1977, is back in the halls of power once again. Since the election, he’s positioned himself close to Donald Trump, advising the president-elect on key appointments and praising him in public. And Kissinger, who has maintained close ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin, is now positioning himself as an intermediary between the Kremlin and the incoming Trump administration.

But previously undisclosed documents that I discovered while poring through the archives at Stanford’s Hoover Institution should give us serious pause about Kissinger’s resurgence. The storied former diplomat is not above using his considerable foreign policy credibility to further his private objectives, even to the detriment of the U.S. national interest. Indeed, on at least one occasion since he left public office, Kissinger used his influence with foreign leaders—in this case, the Pinochet regime in Chile—to undermine his domestic political opponents, including a sitting president of the United States

It all began on September 21, 1976, when, during the final months of the Gerald Ford administration and Kissinger’s tenure as secretary of state, Chilean President Augusto Pinochet ordered the assassination of Orlando Letelier, a prominent Chilean dissident and former ambassador to the United States who was then working at a think tank in Washington, D.C. At 9:30 a.m. on that drizzly Tuesday, a group of Cuban anti-communist extremists allied with Pinochet’s intelligence services detonated a remote-control bomb placed on the underside of Letelier’s Chevrolet while it rounded Sheridan Circle—a 20-minute walk from the White House. Letelier and his American co-worker, Ronnie Moffit, were killed in the explosion. The first known act of state-sponsored terrorism ever to take place in the American capital, the assassination and its aftermath were national front-page news for years. Investigators and prosecutors tried to crack a case that took them across three continents, all while facing significant pushback from elements within the U.S. government who preferred not to rattle Cold War alliances."



"By October 1979, Cubillos very likely believed that Kissinger was on the cusp of a comeback. And the Pinochet government also knew that relations would improve if a Republican were elected president. (Indeed, according to the American ambassador to Chile at the time, members of the Chilean military danced in the streets upon news of Reagan’s electoral victory. And in 1981, against the howls of liberals, Reagan lifted Carter’s trade restrictions. Pinochet remained president for nine more years.)

There is also no doubt that Kissinger, and the Republican Party more broadly, stood to benefit from the sort of Chilean intransigence that Kissinger urged on Cubillos. Greater cooperation by Chile in the case could have handed the Carter administration a major diplomatic victory during a period of great economic and political turbulence. In other words, whether or not Chile’s compliance with the extradition request was in our national interest, it was certainly not in Kissinger’s. And in his icy, amoral advice to the Chilean government, he definitively showed whose interests he was most concerned with.

Consider, too, how inappropriate, how borderline subversive, Kissinger’s counsel to Cubillos was. Not only did he laud Chile’s decision to stymie a murder trial related to a major act of international terrorism carried out in the U.S. capital, but the former secretary of state also actively encouraged the regime ostensibly responsible for that crime to take a hard line with the U.S. government, in order to further stonewall U.S. prosecutors—that is, the Justice Department.

To the best of my knowledge there has never, before now, been proof of Kissinger’s secret interference in U.S. politics after he left public service. The paper trail for Kissinger dries up; there are no more U.S. government documents subject to declassification. Indeed, we know very, very little about Kissinger’s political affairs after 1977. Since 1983, he has run an international consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, that has facilitated contacts between major corporations and a number of authoritarian regimes. During much of this time, he or other members of Kissinger Associates have sat on the President’s Intelligence Advisory Board, a little-known civilian panel tasked with intelligence oversight duties where members have access to highly classified data.

What, then, has Kissinger been advising corporate clients or representatives of foreign governments behind closed doors since 1977? Has his counsel been in the best interests of the United States? At least in the case of Letelier and Moffit—in bringing to justice the perpetrators of one of the most audacious acts of terrorism ever conducted on American soil—the answer is a resounding, and disquieting, no. And if the Letelier case is part of a larger pattern, we should be extremely circumspect about Kissinger’s private intercession in our country’s public affairs today."
henrykissinger  chile  pinochet  2016  zachdorfman  us  history  jimmycarter  orlandoletelier 
january 2017 by robertogreco
Lens of Time: Velvet Worms—Secret of the Slime - bioGraphic
"With their chubby bodies, soft, padded feet, and slow-motion gait, South American velvet worms appear pretty harmless. Unless they’re hungry, and you’re an insect. Over millennia, these ancient creatures have evolved a pair of hunting weapons unlike any other in nature: dual high-speed canons capable of jetting viscous slime onto their prey from up to two feet away. Delivered with such power and speed, the velvet worm’s slime canon takes the element of surprise to new levels. And because the goo is delivered through narrow, flexible tubes and expelled with such tremendous force, it can cover a vast area in a matter of milliseconds.

Until recently, biologists still didn’t know exactly how these slime canons work. But then Andres Concha, a Chilean physicist who studies the physical mechanisms in biological systems, turned his attention to velvet worms. His goal: to better understand how fluids operate in the microscopic world. After collecting live specimens from southern Chile's remote temperate rainforest, Concha and his team used high-speed cameras to film slime canons in action. Their observations and measurements have provided new insights into the physics underlying this unique and deadly hunting tactic—and may one day lead to new biotechnology applications. Concha now applies his understanding of this mechanism—a unique adaptation that evolved some 500 million years ago—to construct working replicas of the slime canons in his lab."
chile  nature  worms  patagonia  2016  science  classideas  andrésconcha  southamerica  velvetworms  physics  fluids 
december 2016 by robertogreco
A Time for Treason – The New Inquiry
"A reading list created by a group of Black, Brown, Indigenous, Muslim, and Jewish people who are writers, organizers, teachers, anti-fascists, anti-capitalists, and radicals.

WE studied and pursued methods for revolutionary social change before Trump came to power, and our core focus remains the same: abolishing the ever-enlarging systems of hierarchy, control, and environmental destruction necessary to sustain the growth of capital. With the ascendance of White nationalist ambition to the upper echelons of empire, we have given special attention to struggles waged and endured by marginalized people for whom the fight against capital has always been a concurrent fight against Anglo-Saxon supremacy.

Although there are bleak times ahead, we must remember that for most of us America was never paradise. Democrats and liberals will use this time to revise history. They will present themselves as the reasonable solution to Trump’s reign and advocate a return to “normalcy.” But their normal is a country where Black people are routinely killed by police and more people are imprisoned than any other place in the world. Their normal is a country where millions are exploited while a handful eat lavishly. Their normal is the opposite of a solution; it’s a threat to our lives.

We encourage everyone to use their local libraries and indiebound.org to acquire the books listed below.

ANTI-FASCISM/FASCISM HISTORY

Militant Anti-Fascism: A Hundred Years of Resistance by M. Testa (Ebook free until 11/30 from AK Press)
The Mass Psychology of Fascism by Wilhelm Reich (PDF)
Escape from Freedom by Erich Fromm
Blackshirts and Reds by Michael Parenti (PDF)
“The Shock of Recognition” (An excerpt from Confronting Fascism by J. Sakai)
Hypernormalisation by Adam Curtis (documentary)
A critical review of Hypernormalisation
Fascist Symbols (photo)
Searchable Symbol Database
Hatemap

Chile:
The Battle of Chile (Documentary): Part I, Part 2, and Part 3

Philippines:
When A Populist Demagogue Takes Power

Argentina:
Transatlantic Fascism: Ideology, Violence and the Sacred in Argentina and Italy
Eastern Europe: In the Shadow of Hitler

Italy:
The Birth of Fascist Ideology by Zeev Sternhell (PDF)
Basta Bunga Bunga
Lessons from Italy: The Dangers of Anti-Trumpism

Greece:
How Greece Put an Anti-Austerity, Anti-Capitalist Party in Power

Russia:
Russian Fascism: Traditions, Tendencies, and Movements by Stephen Shenfield

France:
Where Have All the Fascists Gone? by Tamir Bar-On
Neither Right nor Left by Zeev Sternhell (PDF)
Gender and Fascism in Modern France edited By Melanie Hawthorne, Richard Joseph Golsan
The Manouchian Group (French Antifa who resisted the Nazis when Germany occupied France)
L’Armée du Crime/The Army of Crime (Film)
Antifa Chasseurs de Skins (Documentary)

Spain:
Fascism in Spain 1923–1977
“The Spanish Civil War” (Series on Youtube)

Germany/Hitler:
Escape Through the Pyrenees by Lisa Fittko
Male Fantasies, Vol. 1 and Vol. 2 by Klaus Theweleit (particularly Chapter 1)
The Nazis, Capitalism and the Working Class by Donny Gluckstein
Eichmann in Jerusalem by Hannah Arendt (PDF)
Every Man Dies Alone by Hans Fallada (fiction)
“Freudian Theory and the Pattern of Fascist Propaganda” by Theodor Adorno (PDF)
Fascinating Fascism
The Horrifying American Roots for Nazi’s Eugenics

United States:
Negroes with Guns by Robert F. Williams: EPUB, PDF and Audio Documentary
The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement by Lance Hill
In the Name of Eugenics by Daniel Kevles
Dixie Be Damned: 300 Years of Insurrection in the American South by Saralee Stafford and Neal Shirley
Bloody Dawn: The Christiana Riot and Racial Violence in the Antebellum North by Thomas P. Slaughter
“Why We Fight” Part I & Part II
Columbus Day is the Most Important Day of Every Year
Fascism in a Pinstriped Suit by Michael Parenti (Essay in book Dirty Truths)
Southern Horrors by Ida B. Wells
Morbid Symptoms: The Rise of Trump

Alt-Right/U.S. Neo-Nazis:
‘Hail Trump!’: White Nationalists Salute the President Elect
This Is Not a Guide: Is the Alt-Right White Supremacist? (yes)
Why We Must Stop Speaking of Oppression as “Hate”
The Myth of the Bullied White Outcast Loner Is Helping Fuel a Fascist Resurgence
The New Man of 4Chan
The Dark History of Donald Trump’s Right-Wing Revolt
Dark Days at the RNC
Trump Normalization Watch
The Real Origins of ‘Lone Wolf’ White Supremacists Like Dylan Roof

Here are assorted alt-right/White nationalist propaganda videos to better understand their rhetorical pull: one, two, three (Note: these videos were made by white supremacists).

U.S. REPRESSION & MCCARTHYISM

A ‘Commission on Radical Islam’ Could Lead to a New McCarthy Era
Newt Gingrich Calls for a New House of Un-American Activities
If They Come in the Morning: Voices of Resistance edited by Angela Davis (PDF)
Naming Names by Victor Navasky
Red Scare Racism and Cold War Black Radicalism by James Zeigler
The Other Blacklist: The African American Literary and Cultural Left of the 1950s by Mary Helen Washington
Still Black, Still Strong: Survivors of the War Against Black Revolutionaries by Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Assata Shakur, Mumia Abu Jamal (PDF)
Enemies: A History of the FBI by Tim Weiner
The COINTELPRO Papers by Ward Churchill (PDF)
Red Scare: Memories of the American Inquisition by Griffin Fariello
Subversives: The FBI’s War on Student Radicals and Reagan’s Rise to Power by Seth Rosenfeld (EPUB)
Interview with the Rosenfeld on NPR.
Green Is the New Red by Will Potter
War Against All Puerto Ricans: Revolution and Terror in America’s Colony by Nelson Denis (EPUB)
War Against The Panthers: A Study of Repression in America by Huey Newton (PDF)
The Repression Lists
The Story Behind The NATO 3 Domestic Terrorism Arrests
Why Did the FBI Spy on James Baldwin (Review of the book All Those Strangers by Douglas Field)
Cointelpro 101 by The Freedom Archives (Video)

SECURITY CULTURE/THE SURVEILLANCE STATE

The Burglary by Betty Medsgar
Overseers of the Poor by John Gilliom (PDF)
The Smart Girl’s Guide to Privacy by Violet Blue
Security Culture, CrimethInc
EFF Surveillance Self Defense
The Intercept’s Surveillance Self Defense against the Trump Administration
Things To Know About Web Security Before Trump’s Inauguration
How Journalists Can Protect Themselves Online
How To Encrypt Your Entire Life in Less Than An Hour
On Building a Threat Model for Trump
FBI Confirms Contracts with AT&T, Verizon, and MCI
New York’s EZ Pass: We’re Watching You
NYCLU on EZ Pass Surveillance and ACLU blog on EZ Pass Surveillance
New York’s New Public Wifi Kiosks Are Spying On You
Why Public Wifi is a Public Health Hazard
The Drone Papers
The NSA’s Secret Role in the U.S. Assassination Program
US Cited Controversial Law in Decision To Kill American By Drone
Security Notebook (a packet of readings)
Why Misogynists Make The Best Informants
Fusion Centers / What’s Wrong With Fusion Centers (ACLU report) / Fusion Center Investigations Into Anti War Activities
How See Something, Say Something Punishes Innocent Muslims and Spawns Islamophobia
Citizenfour by Laura Poitras (Documentary)
1971 by Johanna Hamilton (Documentary)

RESISTANCE TACTICS

The Ideology of the Young Lords Party (PDF)
Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire (PDF)
The Black Panther Party: Service to the People Programs, edited by David Hilliard (PDF)
Blood in My Eye by George Jackson (PDF)
Peoples’ War, Peoples’ Army by Vo Nguyen Giap (PDF)
Poor People’s Movements by Frances Fox Piven
Policing the Planet, edited by Jordan T. Camp and Christina Heatherton
In the Shadow of the Shadow State
Black Riot
Against Innocence
Nothing Short of a Revolution
A Concise History of Liberation Theology
Organizing Lessons from Civil Rights Leader Ella Baker
After Trump
Black Study, Black Struggle
The Jackson Kush Plan (by Cooperation Jackson/MXGM)
Fuck Trump, But Fuck You Too: No Unity with Liberals
the past didn’t go anywhere — making resistance to antisemitism part of all our movements
De-arrests Are Beautiful
10 Points on Black Bloc (Text or Youtube)
On Blocs
How To Set Up an Anti-Fascist Group
How To Survive A Knife Attack: Part 1, Part 2, Part 3, and Part 4


BLACK LIBERATION

Black Reconstruction by W. E. B. Du Bois (PDF)
Abolition Democracy: Beyond Empire, Prisons, and Torture by Angela Davis (PDF)
Revolutionary Suicide by Huey Newton (PDF)
Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement by Barbara Ransby
We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement by Akinyele Omowale Umoja (PDF)
How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America by Manning Marable (PDF)
Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Repression by Robin DG Kelley (PDF)
Interview with Robin DG Kelley about his book
Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition by Cedric Robinson (PDF or EPUB)
Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon (PDF)
Black Jacobins by CLR James (PDF)
A History of Pan-African Revolt by CLR James
Black Awakening in Capitalist America by Robert Allen
From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime by Elizabeth Hinton
This NonViolent Stuff’ll Get You Killed by Charles E. Cobb Jr (PDF or EPUB)
Eddie Conway in conversation with Charles E. Cobb in How Guns Kept People Alive During The Civil Rights Movement: Part I, Part II and Part III
The Young Lords: A Reader (PDF)
Black Anarchism: A Reader (PDF)
We Charge Genocide’s Report on Community Policing (PDF) | The group’s talk with DOJ
An Open Letter To My Sister Angela Davis by James Baldwin
Cooperation Jackson: Countering the Confederate Assault and The Struggle for Economic Democracy (Video)
American Nightmare: Black Labor and Liberation (Documentary, not yet released)
On Reparations: Resisting Inclusion and Co-optation by Jamilah Martin
Beyond Nationalism but Not Without It by Ashanti Alston
The Liberal Solution to Police Violence: Restoring Trust Will Ensure More Obedience
The Weapon of Theory by Amilcar Cabral
The Carceral State
The Work Continues: Hannah Black Interviews Mariame Kaba… [more]
activism  fascism  history  donaldtrump  2016  readinglists  booklists  mccarthyism  resistance  nationalismanit-fascism  chile  argentina  philippines  italy  italia  greece  russia  france  germany  hitler  alt-right  neonazis  repression  us  cointelpro  security  surveillance  surveillancestate  blackliberation  deportation  immigration  chicanos  oppression  border  borders  mexico  blackmigration  migration  muslims  nativeamericans  feminism  gender  race  racism  sexuality  queer  civilrights  patricioguzmán  thebattleofchile 
november 2016 by robertogreco
Tomas Munita - Photographer
"Tomás Munita (Chile, 1975) is an independent documentary photographer
with a main interest on social and environmental issues."
photography  photojournalism  chile  tomásmunita 
november 2016 by robertogreco
Fiction or Standardized Test? ‘Multiple Choice’ Is Both - The New York Times
Zambra was born in Chile in 1975, and his entire primary education took place during the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. His four works of fiction that have been translated into English before “Multiple Choice” have been lauded for exploring how the repressive forces of that era continue to haunt the country today. This new book, however, is the first to focus solely on the role that education and testing played in constricting the discussion of art and ideas during the dictatorship — and still plays, more than 25 years later in the different context of today. Just last week, my 16-year-old niece in Chile took a multiple-choice test in her literature class that asked her and her classmates to identify “the correct ­order” of events in a Borges story.

[Via
"I'ma leave this one right ... Here. [link to article]"
https://twitter.com/TheJLV/status/769588860787552256

"Read this as part of the struggle vs overtesting. Bars."
https://twitter.com/TheJLV/status/769590022534225920

See also:

"No coincidence that Milton Friedman's free market schooling ideology had its first outing in Chile."
https://twitter.com/clanghoff1/status/769591540247367680 ]
tests  testing  multiplechoice  chile  education  policy  politics  2016  books  borges  miltonfriedman  debate  conversation  control  authority  authoritarianism  standardization  standardizedtesting  idranovey  alejandrozambra 
september 2016 by robertogreco
Neoliberalism – the ideology at the root of all our problems | Books | The Guardian
"We internalise and reproduce its creeds. The rich persuade themselves that they acquired their wealth through merit, ignoring the advantages – such as education, inheritance and class – that may have helped to secure it. The poor begin to blame themselves for their failures, even when they can do little to change their circumstances.

Never mind structural unemployment: if you don’t have a job it’s because you are unenterprising. Never mind the impossible costs of housing: if your credit card is maxed out, you’re feckless and improvident. Never mind that your children no longer have a school playing field: if they get fat, it’s your fault. In a world governed by competition, those who fall behind become defined and self-defined as losers.

Among the results, as Paul Verhaeghe documents in his book What About Me? are epidemics of self-harm, eating disorders, depression, loneliness, performance anxiety and social phobia. Perhaps it’s unsurprising that Britain, in which neoliberal ideology has been most rigorously applied, is the loneliness capital of Europe. We are all neoliberals now."



"It may seem strange that a doctrine promising choice and freedom should have been promoted with the slogan “there is no alternative”. But, as Hayek remarked on a visit to Pinochet’s Chile – one of the first nations in which the programme was comprehensively applied – “my personal preference leans toward a liberal dictatorship rather than toward a democratic government devoid of liberalism”. The freedom that neoliberalism offers, which sounds so beguiling when expressed in general terms, turns out to mean freedom for the pike, not for the minnows.

Freedom from trade unions and collective bargaining means the freedom to suppress wages. Freedom from regulation means the freedom to poison rivers, endanger workers, charge iniquitous rates of interest and design exotic financial instruments. Freedom from tax means freedom from the distribution of wealth that lifts people out of poverty."



"Like communism, neoliberalism is the God that failed. But the zombie doctrine staggers on, and one of the reasons is its anonymity. Or rather, a cluster of anonymities.

The invisible doctrine of the invisible hand is promoted by invisible backers. Slowly, very slowly, we have begun to discover the names of a few of them. We find that the Institute of Economic Affairs, which has argued forcefully in the media against the further regulation of the tobacco industry, has been secretly funded by British American Tobacco since 1963. We discover that Charles and David Koch, two of the richest men in the world, founded the institute that set up the Tea Party movement. We find that Charles Koch, in establishing one of his thinktanks, noted that “in order to avoid undesirable criticism, how the organisation is controlled and directed should not be widely advertised”.

The words used by neoliberalism often conceal more than they elucidate. “The market” sounds like a natural system that might bear upon us equally, like gravity or atmospheric pressure. But it is fraught with power relations. What “the market wants” tends to mean what corporations and their bosses want. “Investment”, as Sayer notes, means two quite different things. One is the funding of productive and socially useful activities, the other is the purchase of existing assets to milk them for rent, interest, dividends and capital gains. Using the same word for different activities “camouflages the sources of wealth”, leading us to confuse wealth extraction with wealth creation.

A century ago, the nouveau riche were disparaged by those who had inherited their money. Entrepreneurs sought social acceptance by passing themselves off as rentiers. Today, the relationship has been reversed: the rentiers and inheritors style themselves entre preneurs. They claim to have earned their unearned income.

These anonymities and confusions mesh with the namelessness and placelessness of modern capitalism: the franchise model which ensures that workers do not know for whom they toil; the companies registered through a network of offshore secrecy regimes so complex that even the police cannot discover the beneficial owners; the tax arrangements that bamboozle governments; the financial products no one understands.

The anonymity of neoliberalism is fiercely guarded. Those who are influenced by Hayek, Mises and Friedman tend to reject the term, maintaining – with some justice – that it is used today only pejoratively. But they offer us no substitute. Some describe themselves as classical liberals or libertarians, but these descriptions are both misleading and curiously self-effacing, as they suggest that there is nothing novel about The Road to Serfdom, Bureaucracy or Friedman’s classic work, Capitalism and Freedom."
georgemonbiot  economics  neoliberalism  politics  history  capitalism  unions  2016  policy  ludwigvonmises  friedrichhayek  miltonfriedman  chile  us  margaretthatcher  ronaldreagan  naomiklein  privatization  well-being  democracy  oligarchy  noueaurich  entrepreneurship  communism  society  kochbrothers  freedom  precarity 
august 2016 by robertogreco
CrimethInc. Ex-Workers’ Collective : Movies : The Chicago Conspiracy
"The Chicago Conspiracy / HD / 2010 / 94 Minutes / This documentary addresses the legacy of the military dictatorship in Chile by sharing the story of combatant youth who were killed by the Pinochet regime as a backdrop to the history of the military dictatorship and current social conflict in the area. The larger story is wrapped around three shorter pieces, which explore the student movement, the history of neighborhoods that became centers of armed resistance against the dictatorship, and the indigenous Mapuche conflict. The filmmakers, militant film collective Subversive Action Films, question their relationship to the documentary, taking a position as combatants. [1280x720]"
pinochet  chile  history  economics  crimethinc  documentary  towatch  2010  dictatorship  mapuche 
august 2016 by robertogreco
Identity 2016: 'Global citizenship' rising, poll suggests - BBC News
"People are increasingly identifying themselves as global rather than national citizens, according to a BBC World Service poll.

The trend is particularly marked in emerging economies, where people see themselves as outward looking and internationally minded.

However, in Germany fewer people say they feel like global citizens now, compared with 2001.

Pollsters GlobeScan questioned more than 20,000 people in 18 countries.

More than half of those asked (56%) in emerging economies saw themselves first and foremost as global citizens rather than national citizens.

In Nigeria (73%), China (71%), Peru (70%) and India (67%) the data is particularly marked.
By contrast, the trend in the industrialised nations seems to be heading in the opposite direction.

In these richer nations, the concept of global citizenship appears to have taken a serious hit after the financial crash of 2008. In Germany, for example, only 30% of respondents see themselves as global citizens."

[See also: http://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/people-increasingly-identify-as-globalnot-nationalcitizens ]
identity  cosmopolitanism  nigeria  china  perú  india  spain  españa  kenya  uk  greece  brazil  brasil  canada  pakistan  ghana  indonesia  us  mexico  chile  germany  russia  ethnicty  citizenships  globalization 
may 2016 by robertogreco
Camilo Jose Vergara
[via: http://kottke.org/16/04/tracking-time

"Camilo Jose Vergara's Tracking Time project is a collection of photos of locations around the US (LA, Harlem, Detroit, South Bronx) photographed repeatedly over the years, from the 70s to the present day."]
architecture  art  cities  photography  camilojosévergara  harlem  nyc  chicago  gary  camden  losangeles  newark  brooklyn  southbronx  bronx  chile  time  history  change 
april 2016 by robertogreco
El surrealismo y sus derivas
"El contenido presentado aquí es resultado de los trabajos realizados en el marco del proyecto de investigación Hacia una caracterización del surrealismo hispánico: digitalización, análisis y edición de revistas surrealistas de Argentina, Chile y España (REF. FFI2008-01634), financiado por el Ministerio español de Ciencia e Innovación. Los miembros del equipo encargado de desarrollar el proyecto son Eduardo Becerra (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid e investigador principal), Armando Minguzzi (Universidad de Moreno y Universidad de Buenos Aires), Belén Castro Morales (Universidad de La Laguna), Eva Valcárcel (Universidade da Coruña), Raquel Arias (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid), José Teruel (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid), Patricia Martínez (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid) y Claudia Montero (Investigadora del Centro de Estudios Culturales Latinoamericanos de la Universidad de Chile).

Se incluyen la revistas surrealistas argentinas Qué, Ciclo, Cero y A Partir de Cero, las chilenas Mandrágora y Leitmotiv, y, de las españolas, los monográficos dedicados al surrealismo de Gaceta de Arte (números 35 y 36) y el Boletín Internacional del Surrealismo, y los números únicos de La Cerbatana y Postismo."
chile  spain  españa  argentina  surrealism 
march 2016 by robertogreco
The Internet Isn't Available in Most Languages - The Atlantic
"Tweet, tuít, or giolc? These were the three iterations of a Gaelic version of the word “tweet” that Twitter’s Irish translators debated in 2012. The agonizing choice between an Anglicized spelling, a Gaelic spelling, or the use of the Gaelic word for “tweeting like a bird” stalled the project for an entire year. Finally, a small group of translators made an executive decision to use the Anglicized spelling of “tweet” with Irish grammar. As of April 2015, Gaelic Twitter is online.

Indigenous and under-resourced cultures face a number of obstacles when establishing their languages on the Internet. English, along with a few other languages like Spanish and French, dominates the web. People who speak these languages often take for granted access to social-media sites with agreed-upon vocabularies, built-in translation services, and basic grammar and spell-checkers.

For Gaelic, a minority language spoken by only two to three percent of the Irish population, it can be difficult to access these digital services. And even languages with millions of speakers can lack the resources needed to make the Internet relevant to daily life.

In September of this year, the Broadband Commission for Digital Development, an organization established five years ago to monitor the growth and use of the Internet around the world, released its 2015 report on the state of broadband. The report argues that representation of the world's languages online remains one of the major challenges in expanding the Internet to reach the four billion people who don’t yet have access.

At the moment, the Internet only has webpages in about five percent of the world's languages. Even national languages like Hindi and Swahili are used on only .01 percent of the 10 million most popular websites. The majority of the world’s languages lack an online presence that is actually useful.

Ethnologue, a directory of the world’s living languages, has determined that 1,519 out of the 7,100 languages spoken today are in danger of extinction. For these threatened languages, social-networking sites like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, which rely primarily on user-generated content, as well as other digital platforms like Google and Wikipedia, have a chance to contribute to their preservation. While the best way to keep a language alive is to speak it, using one’s native language online could help.

The computational linguistics professor Kevin Scannell devotes his time to developing the technical infrastructure—often using open-source software—that can work for multiple languages. He’s worked with more than 40 languages around the world, his efforts part of a larger struggle to promote under-resourced languages. “[The languages] are not part of the world of the Internet or computing,” he says. “We’re trying to change that mindset by providing the tools for people to use.”

One such under-resourced language is Chichewa, a Bantu language spoken by 12 million people, many of whom are in the country of Malawi. According to Edmond Kachale, a programmer who began developing a basic word processor for the language in 2005 and has been working on translating Google search into Chichewa for the last five years, his language doesn’t have sufficient content online. This makes it difficult for its speakers to compete in a digital, globalized world. “Unless a language improves its visibility in the digital world,” he says, “it is heading for extinction.”

In Malawi, over 60 percent of the population lacks Internet access; but Kachale says that “even if there would be free Internet nation-wide, chances are that [Chichewa speakers] may not use it at all because of the language barrier.” The 2015 Broadband Report bears Kachale’s point out. Using the benchmark of 100,000 Wikipedia pages in any given language, it found that only 53 percent of the world’s population has access to sufficient content in their native language to make use of the Internet relevant.

People who can’t use the Internet risk falling behind economically because they can’t take advantage of e-commerce. In Malawi, Facebook has become a key platform for Internet businesses, even though the site has not yet been translated into Chichewa. Instead, users tack-on a work-around browser plug-in, a quick-fix for languages that don’t have official translations for big social-media sites.

“Unless a language improves its visibility in the digital world, it is heading for extinction.”
In 2014, Facebook added 20 new languages to its site and launched several more this year, bringing it to more than 80 languages. The site also opens up languages for community-based translation. This option is currently available for about 50 languages, including Aymara, an indigenous language spoken mainly in Bolivia, Peru, and Chile. Though it has approximately 2 million speakers, UNESCO has designated Aymara as “vulnerable.” Beginning in May of 2014, a group of 20 volunteer translators have been chipping away at the 25,000 words used on the site—and the project is on course to be finished by Christmas.

The project is important because it will encourage young people to use their native language. “We are sure when Aymara is available on Facebook as an official language, it will be a source of motivation for Aymara people,” says Elias Quisepe Chura, who manages the translation effort (it happens primarily online, unsurprisingly via a Facebook page).

Ruben Hilari, another member of the translation team, told the Spanish newspaper El Pais, “Aymara is alive. It does not need to be revitalized. It needs to be strengthened and that is exactly what we are doing. If we do not work for our language and culture today, it will be too late tomorrow to remember who we are, and we will always feel insecure about our identity.”

Despite its reputation as the so-called information superhighway, the Internet is only legible to speakers of a few languages; this limit to the web’s accessibility proves that it can be as just as insular and discriminative as the modern world at large."
internet  languages  language  linguistics  2015  translation  insularity  web  online  gaelic  hindi  swahili  kevinscannell  via:unthinkingly  katherineschwab  edmondkachele  accessibility  enlgish  aymara  rubenhilari  eliasquisepechura  bolivia  perú  chile  indigenous  indigeneity  chichewa  bantu  google  kevinsannell  twitter  facebook  instagram  software  computation  computing  inclusivity 
january 2016 by robertogreco
Why asking for a lime isn't so easy in Spanish-speaking countries | Public Radio International
"Almost every Spanish-speaking country has a different set of definitions. In Spain, historically people have called limes limones verdes, or green lemons; in Mexico the term is limon or lima, depending on the person.

In Chile there is no word for lime: "The word for lemon is limon, as it is in most other varieties of Spanish. The word for lime doesn't exist really," said Scott Sadowsky, a professor of Chilean linguistics at Universidad de La Frontera, in Temuco, Chile. "That's due to the fact that there really is nothing like a lime here. Every once in a while, someone will download a recipe from the Internet and you will see it translated as lima, which is more or less a literal translation from English, and people will normally shrug and just use lemons."

Some Spanish speakers even flip the English definitions of lemon and lime: "A Bolivian and an Ecuadorian and a Venezualan and a Salvidoran all said to me that in their experience limones are sour and green and smaller than our lemons. And that lima for them is a larger fruit that is sweet and yellow." explained Terrell Morgan, a professor of Hispanic linguistics at Ohio State University. "And so it's as if the colors are completely opposite from what they are in English."

And what about the famous capital of Peru, Lima? In fact the name has nothing to do with limes, but comes from an oracle or limaq that used to live in the area.

This all makes sense, considering that lemons and limes are not native to any Spanish-speaking country, or even their own species of fruit.

"Citrus appears to have originated in southeast Asia — China and northern India — and then citrus has been moved around the world." explained Tracy Kahn, a specialist in citrus at the University of California, Riverside. Originally there were four basic species that were cross-bred, creating the many kinds of lemons and limes that exist today.

"Lemons and limes are actually hybrids. So a citron, which is one of the basic species, was crossed with a small flowered pepita, and that generated what we think of now as small fruited limes, things like the Mexican lime or key lime."

The variety called the Mexican lime, that is now an intergral part of South American cuisine, was brought from southeast Asia to Spain by the crusaders, and then to South America by the conquistadors.

Though they traveled far, historically, these citrus varieties weren't all sold in the same place, so Spanish-speakers didn't need different words. Today they do. When Spanish-speakers go to the grocery store there are a host of citrus options and American-based brands that boast lima-limon flavors, and it seems more and more speakers are shifting to lima.

"I think it's a recent phenomenon in the Spanish-speaking world that now there are both green and yellow fruits. And so in some places they have given it the name lima even though it may not have existed a while back," explained Morgan.

There's now even a song about limas y limones that is popular in Mexico:"
fruit  citrus  language  spanish  español  2015  limes  lemons  chile  venezuela  elsalvador  ecuador  spain  españa 
december 2015 by robertogreco
Chile Government: Legendary Poet Pablo Neruda Likely Murdered | News | teleSUR English
"A previously unseen government document appears to add credence to speculation one of Chile's most famous writers was killed shortly after a 1973 coup.
Chile's government admitted for the first time Thursday the famed poet Pablo Neruda may have been assassinated.

It's “clearly possible and highly likely that a third party” was responsible for Neruda's death in 1973, according to a statement from Chile's interior ministry obtained by newspaper El Pais. The statement appeared to be circulated internally by the ministry as far back as March, but was unknown to the public until now. The newspaper reported the statement was the product of an extensive investigation into the poet's death.

The interior ministry has responded to the El Pais report by acknowledging the authenticity of the statement obtained by the newspaper, but emphasized the document was part of an ongoing investigation. According to the ministry, an investigative panel is yet to draw a final conclusion on the controversial death.

Chile reopened its investigation into Neruda's death earlier this year, after years of speculation he may have been killed for political reasons.

The poet's remains were exhumed in 2013 over the same allegations, however the tests found no evidence. Neruda died in 1973, just weeks after a military coup ousted Communist President Salvador Allende, whom he had supported.

Neruda's death circumstances led to doubts that he had been a victim of cancer, and instead had been a victim of Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship. Authorities said the new forensic test will look for inorganic or heavy metals in the poet’s remains to try to determine a direct or indirect cause of death.

Neruda remains Chile’s best-known poet. He achieved critical acclaim with the publication in 1924 of a Song of Despair at the age of 19 and Twenty Love Poems and won the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1971 “for a poetry that with the action of an elemental force brings alive a continent’s destiny and dreams.” During his lifetime, Neruda held many diplomatic positions and was a senator for the Chilean Communist Party. When President Gonzalez Videla outlawed communism in Chile in 1948, a warrant was issued for Neruda's arrest, seeing him hide for months in the basement of a house."
chile  pabloneruda  history  pinochet  2015 
november 2015 by robertogreco
Radical Pedagogies: School and Institute of Architecture of Valparaíso (1952-1972) | ArchDaily
[Also at: http://radical-pedagogies.com/search-cases/a24-escuela-instituto-arquitectura/ ]

"Starting in 1952, the Architecture School at Valparaiso offered simultaneously an elaboration of the intellectual project of modernity and a response to modern architecture as it had been institutionalized in Latin America. Led by Chilean architect Alberto Cruz and Argentinean poet Godofredo Iommi, its pedagogy bypassed architectural sources and turned to a wider set of references from the avant-garde in a quest for the “absolutely modern.”

As an alternative to studios of other Chilean schools that linked technical modernization and a utopian social program with the language of the modern movement, the Architecture School at Valparaiso concentrated on the “plastic aspects” of architecture. Exercises combined these explorations with an interest in the “lived” experience of the city. The city was initially analyzed as a set of formal relations discovered through direct observation and experience, dismissing the social analyses developed by other ramifications of modern architecture. The School’s agenda responded to those who focused on the heteronymous realm outside the forms of architecture, concentrating instead in the autonomy of its language.

The exploration of language—specifically as it was performed by poetry—was the medium chosen by the School to develop a creative inquiry into the “lived” experience of the city’s spaces. The so-called “poetic act,” and later the “phalene,” unfolded this exploration: Oscillating between public recitations and collective artistic performances—introducing games, celebratory garments, and commonly leading to the production of a material artistic work—phalenes instilled actions and spaces with unexpected qualities. Sites were understood as playing fields in which movements and formal strategies were disengaged from any goal beyond them. Such an approach to architecture was thought to load spaces with meaning and to open them to the production of new subjectivities while remaining completely disengaged from material conditions and historical contingencies. Different types of drifts or travesias extended this poetic appropriation of spaces throughout extended territories. The pan-American journey Amereida, in 1965, was the first of these trips. Envisioned as an American phalene, it aimed to provide a landmark for a symbolic re-origination of the continent, appealing to a mythical chronology rather than to any historical project.

These activities questioned the transformative impetus of modern architecture and any “instrumentalization” of architecture as a historical agent. More explicitly, the School rejected modern architecture’s impetus to “change the world,” turning instead to the “change of life” that they understood was allowed by poetry.

This pursuit led the School to engage in activities that destabilized pedagogical structures, obliterating the boundaries between learning, working, and living in what was offered as a new “erotic” character for the university. To defend such pursuit and against the constraints of the University authorities, students and faculty overtook the School in 1967. Their protests resonated with some of the concerns that shook educational institutions both in Chile and globally one year later, though the School quickly set itself apart from the political character of the 1968 revolts and their revolutionary emphasis on the future.

This anti-institutional search for autonomy was consolidated with the foundation of Open City in 1971. Built together by students and faculty, Open City still hosts some of the School’s exercises and allows a number professors and researchers to live there. The buildings of the Open City cannot be understood as abstract explorations, nor are they engaged with their historical context. In them, the members of the School aimed to find a project for architecture outside the instrumentalizing tendency of the modern world, engaging in an exploration of their own life in its relation to new forms of architectural expression. As such, the project of the School remained a radical way of teaching and inhabiting modernity, detached from any friction with the tumultuous events hitting Chile in the years after its foundation."
chile  education  architecture  pucv  ead  valparaíso  godofredoiommi  albertocruz  pedagogy  design  ciudadabierta  opencity  ritoque  beatrizcolomina  amereida 
october 2015 by robertogreco
The Bombs Dividing Chile | VICE News
"Around 200 bombs have been either found or detonated in Chile over the past decade. Many of these bombs have been located in the capital city of Santiago, and have generally avoided harming innocent civilians.

This changed on September 8, 2014. A bomb was detonated inside a crowded subway station, leaving 14 civilians injured. Some blamed anarchist groups, while others suspected ultra-right terrorists.

In response to the threat, Chile's government has increasingly invoked its controversial anti-terror laws, which were originally enacted during Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship.

VICE News traveled to Chile to speak with lawyers, politicians, and civilians about the current climate following the September 8 attack, and to ask whether the government will be able to guarantee and protect the rights of its citizens as it seeks to solve the mystery of the bombings in Chile."

[Direct link to video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3do2YUHIIuU ]
chile  2014  law  legal  violence  terrorism  danielhernandez  pinochet  history  economics  politics 
september 2015 by robertogreco
McSweeney’s Internet Tendency: Interviews with the Authors of McSweeney’s 46: The Latin American Crime Issue: Alejandro Zambra.
"McSWEENEY’S: Why are there so many more poets in Chile than novelists? I once met a Chilean poet who had a very complicated answer for this, which had something to do with the geography of the country, how narrow it is. What’s your opinion?

ALEJANDRO ZAMBRA: Chile is full of poets, this is true. Novelists here are lonely people. A Chilean poet named Eduardo Molina once said that "novels are the poetry of fools.” We have such a strong poetry tradition, and “we” won two Nobel Prizes because of it. Poetry is the only sport in which we’ve ever won any kind of a World Cup.

I think it has something to do with our way of approaching language. We swallow lots of sounds—we prefer to make detours and speak softly. We don’t know how to give orders, we never want to sound imperative. So we tend to use metaphors and elliptical forms. Maybe we just don’t like being fully understood… Or maybe we always want to say too many things at the same time. I’ve always thought of J. Alfred Prufrock, that Eliot character, as a Chilean."
chile  literature  poetry  jalfredprufrock  alejandrozambra  geography  2015 
august 2015 by robertogreco
Radical tactics transform Latin American cities | Opinion | Architectural Review
"Given that 85 per cent of the world’s housing is illegal, this book poses relevant questions: ‘Who is the city for? When are we going to recognise that favelas are not an aberration, but the primary urban condition? When will we come to terms with the fact that the favelas are not a problem of urbanity, but the solution? When will we accept that the favela is the city?’ Provocative and enticing in both its language and its subject, the fundamental right of shelter for our growing population is one of those truths that we can easily understand, but find ourselves powerless to plan for. As U-TT (Urban-Think Tank) writes, ‘The totally planned city is a myth.’ The optimistic, personal journeys in the book are a lesson in self-help and self-motivation that resonate, whatever city we inhabit."
justinmcguirk  latinamerica  cities  urban  urbanism  favelas  rogerzogolovitch  torredavid  alejandroaravena  bogotá  caracas  lima  chile  colombia  venezuela  quintamonroy  iquique 
june 2015 by robertogreco
'Nae Pasaran' Shares the Story of Scottish Laborers Standing Against Chile's Pinochet Regime | VICE | United States
"In 1974, warplane engines arrived for repairs at a Rolls Royce factory in the Scottish town of East Kilbride, just outside Glasgow. Factory worker Bob Fulton recognized the engines as coming from the Hawker Hunters that attacked Chile's presidential palace during the coup of September 11, 1973. He refused to work on them on moral grounds. By the end of the day, all 4,000 factory workers had joined him in his act of solidarity.

The CIA-backed military coup was led by army chief Augusto Pinochet and toppled the democratically-elected socialist government of Salvador Allende. British-built Hawker Hunters bombarded La Moneda, the presidential palace where Allende, refusing to surrender or accept exile, made his final speech before taking his own life. Within hours, a military junta was sworn in and Allende's supporters and anyone against the coup were arrested, tortured, or forced into exile. Left-wing political activity was suppressed until Pinochet's dictatorship ended in 1990, but one of the most efficient acts against his rule took place, without violence, in Scotland.

The Rolls Royce factory workers refused to service the engines or to let them leave the factory, leaving them outside for years in the harsh Scottish weather. Four years later, the engines mysteriously disappeared in the middle of the night leaving the workers in the dark about what happened to them for decades. They eventually began to believe that their actions had been meaningless.

Last year, their story was told in a short film by Felipe Bustos Sierra, who was born in Belgium to exiled Chilean parents and has been based in Scotland for ten years. The film, Nae Pasaran,featured interviews with three of the surviving workers—Bob Fulton, Robert Somerville, and John Keenan.

Bustos Sierra gave some insight on the workers' motivations. "Scotland's working class at the time had two strong examples," he told me, "the stories of the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War—which made the expression No Pasarán very popular—and the recent experiences of World War II." Bob Fulton had worked as an engine mechanic on tanks during World War II, and after surviving one of the worst battles in Italy, he says in the short film, dictatorship became "a nasty word." Robert Somerville and John Keenan, on the other hand, had political motives. "The trade unions had condemned the coup and so when Bob brought up that there were engines from Chile in the factory, I think they knew right away that they could support this," Bustos Sierra explained.

As a result of the short film, new information came to light that proved the action had, in fact, had serious implications. Now, Bustos Sierra is in the process of funding a feature film, through a Kickstarter campaign, that will tell the whole story, "following these three guys as they discover the impact of their action and what kind of power we have as individuals." I spoke to Bustos Sierra to find out more."
chile  scotland  2015  history  solidarity  dictatorship  pincochet  1974  felipebustossierra  naepasaran  nopasarán  protest 
april 2015 by robertogreco
MoMA | ArquiMoMA Instagram Project
"#ArquiMoMA

MoMA and Instagram are collaborating to celebrate the exhibition Latin America in Construction: Architecture 1955–1980 (March 29, 2015–July 19, 2015). The exhibition features over 500 original works that have largely never been exhibited—even in their home countries—including historical architectural drawings and models, vintage photographs, and films from the period. To kick off the project, InstaMeets were held across Latin America on March 14, 2015. (See a list of InstaMeet locations below.)
We’re inviting you to share your images of buildings featured in the exhibition, to show their current context and how people see and use them today.

Share your photos of any of the locations in the complete list below at any time leading up to or during the exhibition using the hashtag #ArquiMoMA. Be sure to tag your location.
Select photos will be featured on a display in the exhibition galleries at The Museum of Modern Art and on MoMA.org."
moma  latinamerica  architecture  instagram  #ArquiMoMA  design  argentina  brazil  brasil  chile  colombia  ecuador  guatemala  mexico  uruguay  venezuela  cuba  perú  puertorico  dominicanrepublic  museums  socialmedia  photography  crowdsourcing  participatory 
march 2015 by robertogreco
Learning from Chile’s Mistakes – Don’t Privatize Public Education | engaged intellectuals
"Thanks to Maureen Downey at the Atlanta Journal Constitution for publishing this essay at http://getschooled.blog.ajc.com/2015/03/24/opinion-national-experiment-in-school-choice-market-solutions-produces-inequity/

What the U.S. Can Learn From Chile:
Failed Educational Experiments and Falsely Produced Miracles
Alfredo Gaete (Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile)
Stephanie Jones (University of Georgia, U.S.)

Imagine a country that was once committed to quality public education, but began to treat that public good like a market economy with the introduction of charter schools and voucher systems. Imagine that after a few years, most students in this country attended private schools and there was public funding for most of such schools, which must compete for that funding by improving their results. Imagine that the state fostered this competition by publishing school rankings, so that parents were informed of the results obtained by each institution. Imagine, finally, that school owners were allowed to charge extra fees to parents, thereby rendering education a quite profitable business.

But let’s stop imagining, because this country already exists.

After a series of policies implemented from the 1980s onward, Chilean governments have managed to develop one of the most deregulated, market-oriented educational schemes in the world. Inspired by the ideas of such neoliberal economists as Hayek and Friedman, the ‘Chilean experiment’ was meant to prove that education can achieve its highest quality when its administration is handed over mainly to the private sector and, therefore, to the forces of the market.

How did they do this?

Basically by creating charter schools with a voucher system and a number of mechanisms for ensuring both the competition among them and the profitability of their business. In this scenario, the state has a subsidiary but still important role, namely, to introduce national standards and assess schools by virtue of them (in such a way that national rankings can be produced). This accountability job, along with the provision of funding, is almost everything that was left to the Chilean state regarding education, in the hope that competition, marketing, and the like would lead the country to develop the best possible educational system.

So what happened? Here are some facts after about three decades of the ‘Chilean experiment’ that, chillingly, has also been called the ‘Chilean Miracle’ like the more recent U.S. ‘New Orleans Miracle.’

First, there is no clear evidence that students have significantly improved their performance on standardized tests, the preferred measurement used to assess schools within this scenario of the free market.

Second, there is now consensus among researchers that both the educational and the socioeconomic gaps have been increased. Chile is now a far more unequal society than it was before the privatization of education – and there is a clear correlation between family income and student achievement according to standardized testing and similar measures.

Third, studies have shown that schools serving the more underprivileged students have greater difficulties not only for responding competitively but also for innovating and improving school attractiveness in a way to acquire students and therefore funding.

Fourth, many schools are currently investing more in marketing strategies than in actually improving their services.

Fifth, the accountability culture required by the market has yielded a teach-to-the-test schema that is progressively neglecting the variety and richness of more integral educational practices.

Sixth, some researchers believe that all this has negatively affected teachers’ professional autonomy, which in turn has triggered feelings of demoralization, anxiety, and in the end poor teaching practices inside schools and an unattractive profession from the outside.

Seventh, a general sense of frustration and dissatisfaction has arisen not only among school communities but actually in the great majority of the population. Indeed, the ‘Penguins Revolution’ – a secondary students’ revolt driven by complaints about the quality and equity of Chilean education – led to the most massive social protest movement in the country during the last 20 years. So even though there still are advocates of the private model of education, especially among those who have profited from it, an immense majority of the Chilean society is now urging the government for radical, deep reforms in the educational system of the country. Very recently, in fact, an announcement was made that public university would be free for students, paid for by a 24% tax on corporations.

The ‘Chilean Miracle’ – like the ‘New Orleans Miracle’ – it seems, is not a miracle of student growth, achievement, equity, and high quality education for all. Rather, it is a miracle that a once protected public good was finally exploited as a competitive private market where profit-seeking corporations could receive a greater and greater share of public tax dollars.

It is also a miracle that such profit-seeking private companies and corporations, including publishing giants that produce educational materials and tests, have managed to keep the target of accountability on teachers and schools and not on their own backs. Their treasure trove of funding – state and federal tax monies – continues to flow even as their materials, technological innovations, products, services, and tests fail to provide positive results.

So we don’t have to guess what the result will be of the current ‘U.S. experiment’ with competition-infused education reform that includes school choice, charter schools, charter systems, voucher systems, state-funded education savings accounts for families, tax credits for “donations” to private schools, state takeover school districts, merit pay, value-added models for teacher evaluation, Common Core national standards, PARCC and Smarter Balanced national tests, edTPA national teacher education evaluations, and federal “rewards” such as Race to the Top for states that come aboard.

Indeed, Chilean education reform from the 1980s to the present provides the writing on the wall, so to speak, for the United States and we should take heed. Chile is now engaged in what will be a long struggle to dig its way out of the educational disaster created by failed experimentation and falsely produced miracles. The United States still has time to reverse course, to turn away from the scary language of crisis and the seductive language of choice and accountability used in educational reform, and turn toward a fully funded and protected public education for our nation."
chile  education  policy  privatization  vouchers  2015  maureendowney  alfredogaete  stephaniejones  markets  neoliberalism  capitalism  libertarianism  publicschools  schools  edreform  inequality  society  charterschools 
march 2015 by robertogreco
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