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robertogreco : minorities   6

Hillary Clinton, Marco Rubio, and America’s cultural generation gap | Brookings Institution
"Underlying these trends is an emerging cultural generation gap, which I write about in my book “Diversity Explosion.” This gap reflects the increasing social distance between older whites—baby boomers and seniors—and younger, more racially diverse Gen Xers and millennials. The former grew up in the homogenous 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s, years of low immigration, segregated minorities, and little interaction between the large white population and the mostly black racial minority population. As white baby boomers became older and more concerned with their own finances and economic well-being, they became more conservative on many dimensions, including voting and party identification. Surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center and others show boomers and seniors to be less open to new immigrant groups and minorities, and more averse to a bigger government with more services (and higher taxes) than younger more diverse generations who, in addition to favoring greater government support for domestic programs, are more progressive on an array of social issues, from same-sex marriage to immigration reform. In essence, older white Americans do not see younger Americans as “their” children and grandchildren and have lost a common connection.

This perception needs to be corrected since, as the younger white population declines and older whites retire from the labor force, racial minorities, especially growing new minorities—Hispanics, Asians, and multiracial Americans—are more crucial to the nation’s future. The continued divided politics of race and age simply reinforce this old misperception."
generations  segregation  race  racism  aging  us  2015  generationalwarfare  marcorubio  hillaryclinton  economics  politics  policy  immigration  diversity  minorities 
april 2015 by robertogreco
Commander of his stage: Lee Kuan Yew | The Economist
"Singapore as a nation did not exist. “How were we to create a nation out of a polyglot collection of migrants from China, India, Malaysia, Indonesia and several other parts of Asia?” asked Mr Lee in retrospect. Race riots in the 1960s in Singapore itself as well as Malaysia coloured Mr Lee’s thinking for the rest of his life. Even when Singapore appeared to outsiders a peaceful, harmonious, indeed rather boringly stable place, its government often behaved as if it were dancing on the edge of an abyss of ethnic animosity. Public housing, one of the government’s greatest successes, remains subject to a system of ethnic quotas, so that the minority Malays and Indians could not coalesce into ghettoes."

[via: http://finalbossform.com/post/114505166644/even-when-singapore-appeared-to-outsiders-a ]

[See also: “Lee Kuan Yew made Singapore a paragon of development; but authoritarians draw the wrong lessons from his success”
http://www.economist.com/node/21646869 ]
singapore  leekuanyew  diversity  ghettos  publichousing  housing  minorities  ethnicity  quotas  race  malaysia  development  policy  2015 
march 2015 by robertogreco
Radical community research | The McGill Daily ["Reflections on alternative research through the lens of healthcare"]
"Through CURE, students can also undertake projects for academic credit. I completed my project as the focus of an independent study course through McGill’s department of Geography. Researching immigrant access to care alongside a community organization through an academic course, I encountered one question over and over: who holds the power to produce knowledge in our society? Historically, minority groups have been the ‘subjects’ on whom research is ‘done’ and from whom knowledge is extracted. When social inequality becomes the project of academics, these minority groups rarely see themselves reflected in academic literature as the makers of knowledge. Many academic fields are moving toward inclusion of lived experiences in their literature, but we have yet to reach a point where the authors of these accounts are primarily the people who live them. Meanwhile, ethics committees carefully detail guidelines for confidentiality and data storage. Consider that these standards are set out by the institution sponsoring the research. Whom are these guidelines meant to protect?"



"From the moment I began working on this project in earnest, my intention was to speak with, not for, immigrants with precarious status. In proceeding one by one through clinics in Parc-Extension to assemble information about health services, I learned about many barriers immigrants face in accessing these services. Unfortunately, however, I was never able to work closely with the immigrants affected by barriers to healthcare access or consult individuals about their lived experiences. My portrayal of the situation is a poorer one because of it, one that does not explore or amplify the the agency, self-determination, or resilience of immigrants confronting precarious status and successfully overcoming barriers to the healthcare system. CURE was crucial in guiding me to navigate these issues transparently and ensuring that ultimately, my project worked toward establishing an important resource in the Parc-Extension community. The most valuable part of radical social justice research for me was the ongoing conversation with my academic supervisor and my collaborators at CURE and SAB surrounding these considerations. Alternative research partnerships, where a commitment to the community group exists from the start, offer a model for researcher accountability to the groups they are serving, and demand shared production of knowledge. Moving forward, an important part of maintaining equitable grassroots research partnerships in this way will be to ensure that consideration of anti-oppressive principles, questions of voices consulted, and emphasis on participatory process don’t simply become items to check off to meet an arbitrary requirement of self-reflexiveness."



"Institutional research projects have historically separated the producers of knowledge from its subjects, and universities have rarely had constructive and positive relations with neighbouring communities. Radical research alternatives in Montreal are transferring power from institutions to people. In the process, they establish reciprocal, mutually beneficial community-institution relationships that bridge students with meaningful work. These projects are occupying the spaces between the university and the neighbourhood to turn the traditional research paradigm on its head."

[See also: http://www.selinjessa.com/projects/#/healthcare/
http://www.solidarityacrossborders.org/en/solidarity-city/solidarity-city ]
2015  selinjessa  research  academia  minorities  knowledge  knowledgecreation  culturecreation  credit  horizontality  alternative  cooption  ecole  partnerships  acknowledgement  inequality  socialinequality  power  relationships  oppression  ethics  health  healthcare  accessibility  inclusion  inlcusivity  inclusivity 
february 2015 by robertogreco
I wonder, sometimes: if the south seceded now,... - Fresser.
Kevin Slavin on the idea of Texas and secession:

"I wonder, sometimes: if the south seceded now, would the United States fight to keep it?

To answer the question rationally (which is not how it would be answered) you’d need to know what economic power certain states contribute to the US, as opposed to what they draw down. I have no expertise in this, but I’ll bet it doesn’t look like it did in 1861.

But for the record, Texas — as contemptible as its politics might be — is still the 2nd highest GSP, and has more farmland, cattle, oil and tech than you might want it to.

So let’s keep Texas. The problem might just be the Texans.
Even there, keep in mind that Texas was a Democratic stronghold until very recent history. And since it’s one of a few (welcome) “Majority Minority” states — and we know how they play out politically — I don’t think anyone has to hate on Texas. They just have to wait."
us  minorities  change  patience  politics  time  2012  texas 
november 2012 by robertogreco
David Simon | Barack Obama And The Death Of Normal
"For lost and fretful white men, unwilling to accept the terms of a new America, Congress is the last barricade against practical and inevitable change. But there, too, the demographic inevitabilities are all in play. All the gerrymandering in this world won’t make those other Americans, those different Americans, go away. And the tyranny of minority and lack of compromise that you employ to thwart progress now will likely breed an equal contempt when the demographics do indeed provide supermajorities.

Hard times are still to come for all of us. Rear guard actions will be fought at every political crossroad. But make no mistake: Change is a motherfucker when you run from it.”

Regardless of what happens with his second term, Obama’s great victory has already been won: We are all the other now, in some sense. Special interests? That term has no more meaning in the New America. We are all — all of us…even the whitest of white guys — special interests…There is no normal. …"
culture  politics  change  republicans  minorities  davidsimon  normal  race  specialinterests  barackobama  election2012  2012  elections  us 
november 2012 by robertogreco
Foot in the Door | The American Prospect ["Martin Luther King Jr.'s fight for black Americans opened the doors for other minority groups to demand equality."]
"But [King’s] legacy for other minority groups is less obvious. In public policy, we group racial and ethnic minorities together, even when their situations are very different. African Americans, with their legacy of slavery, apartheid, and institutionalized discrimination, face a vastly different set of circumstances than Latinos (who, until relatively recently, were classified as “white” in large parts of the country), Asians, Native Americans, and women. That the federal government views these constituencies as a single group is a direct consequence of the Civil Rights movement and King’s successful push to fundamentally alter the federal government’s relationship to African Americans. In the years following King’s assassination, other movements — for women’s rights, for Latino rights, for Native American rights, for gay rights — took advantage of these pathways in their struggle for rights and redress from the federal government."
mlk  civilrights  us  history  minorities  policy  publicpolicy  discrimination  martinlutherkingjr 
january 2011 by robertogreco

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