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Opinion | Can Californians Still Find a Path to Mobility at the State’s Universities? - The New York Times
"As a counter to staggering inequality, the system needs to be more open to the people who actually live in the Golden State."

"Joan Didion described her alma mater, the University of California, as “California’s highest, most articulate idea of itself, the most coherent — perhaps the only coherent — expression of the California possibility.”

That ethos has endured. The University of California has prevailed as both symbol and engine of opportunity, true to the spirit of the state’s founding constitution, which endorsed an accessible, independent institution of higher learning. From admitting women in 1870 to establishing the nation’s first multi-campus research university, and from its string of world-changing scientific breakthroughs to its embrace of undocumented immigrants, the University of California has reflected and nurtured the state’s core values.

The university plays a critical role at a time when the top 1 percent in California draw almost a quarter of the total income while six in 10 children are covered by Medi-Cal. But to be most effective as a force to counter the staggering inequality, the university needs to reshape campuses so they not only look more like California but also again offer what Carol T. Christ, the chancellor of Berkeley, calls “equity of experience” — equal access to science and technology majors, research opportunities, campus life and study abroad.

Berkeley is one of the university’s nine undergraduate campuses, the top tier of a remarkable tripartite public system that educates a majority of California students. The undergraduate universities consistently rank as the most effective schools in the country as drivers of upward economic mobility. More than 40 percent of their undergraduates are the first in their families to attend college. More than half come from families with annual incomes of less than $80,000 and pay no tuition. Berkeley, which enrolls a smaller share of lower-income Pell grant recipients than any other campus, still educates the lower-income students at almost twice the rate of Ivy League schools — and Pell grant recipients graduate at roughly the same high rates as their wealthier classmates.

What has fractured since Ms. Didion graduated in 1956 is the cohesive community, the assumption of shared experience that bound so many generations of alumni, particularly at Berkeley, the university’s flagship and still its best-known brand. Today, Berkeley has cleaved into disparate worlds divided by class, race and major. In its stratification and struggles, it mirrors a complex nation-state with deep divisions and extremes.

The symbiotic relationship between school and state means that Ms. Christ and her counterparts grapple with the consequences of some of California’s most intractable conditions: a housing crisis that forces many students to commute for hours because they cannot afford to live anywhere near the Bay Area; a poverty rate that means some students skip meals and others send financial aid money home; a volatile state budget dependent on the superwealthy and prone to boom-and-bust cycles; and decades of underfunded primary and secondary public schools that strain to educate a diverse student body.

Although Latinos are the largest ethnic group in the state and a majority of the school-age children, they remain underrepresented across the university system, most of all at Berkeley. Only 5 percent of the Berkeley faculty members are Latino. Latino student enrollment has increased to about 14 percent, still far short of reflecting California over all.

Berkeley, the original campus (hence its nickname, Cal), was central to the agreement that shaped California’s system of higher education. The 1960 master plan established jurisdictions for the University of California (which retained its exclusive right to offer graduate programs), California State University and the community colleges. The master plan guaranteed admission to the four-year schools for top high school seniors and envisioned community colleges as feeders for other students. An era of expansion ensued to meet record demand as California passed New York to become the most populous state.

Then came more complicated decades: the Free Speech Movement, which helped propel Ronald Reagan to the governorship; Proposition 13, which slashed state revenues; Proposition 209, which banned affirmative action; and multiple recessions. During the worst years of the Great Recession, the University of California lost a third of its state support, and tuition, once free, rose to $12,000 from about $8,000 per year, for the first time surpassing state aid in total revenue.

For first-generation students, financial obstacles are only the start, especially at Berkeley, where faculty members have long valued research above teaching and the school has reveled in its sink-or-swim culture. Alejandra Tapia, who graduated in the class of 2019 with a major in molecular and cell biology, is both a success story and a cautionary tale. Raised by a single mother who worked in the fields, Ms. Tapia decided to become a doctor after her mother suffered a stroke. She attended four high schools, all in farmworker communities.

Through grit and intelligence, she won a full scholarship to Berkeley. Many days, she wondered if she had made the right choice. She had expected the intellectual challenges; she did not expect to navigate alien academic and social worlds with no support. Often the only Latina in her labs, she juggled pre-med classes, 15 hours a week of work and worries about her family. She came close to leaving. “It has made me better and stronger than what I thought I could ever be,” she said, triumphant that she had persevered. Thinking about the hardships, she began to cry.

The culture of intellectual Darwinism undermines the goal of equity in an era when so many students arrive without the cultural or financial resources once taken for granted. What is needed is more than just an update to the master plan, still the governing covenant. California needs a master plan for equity, a goal that would take a combination of vision, political will and acumen.

“The Master Plan was designed to provide a broadly traditional education to a broadly traditional student body,” the chancellors of the university and the community college system wrote last year in an agreement to formalize paths among the systems. “What is missing is a systemic reimagination of the ends of education in light of 21st-century conditions.”

The unbridled optimism and growth of the 1950s and early ’60s had downsides but nurtured a system that grew based on ideas, with confidence that resources would follow. Decisions now are too often made the other way around. Out-of-state students pay three times as much in tuition as residents; since the financial crises, their numbers soared to 18 percent of the enrollment.

There are signs of progress. One of every three new students at Berkeley is a junior transfer from a community college. They are more likely to be Latino, first generation, from lower-income families and more likely to concentrate in humanities because they lack the prerequisites for science and technology majors. Transfer students will be key for Chancellor Christ to fulfill her goal to make Berkeley a “Hispanic-Serving Institution,” a designation already achieved by six of the university campuses, which requires that a quarter of the students be Latino.

“The University and the State of California are inseparable,” Ansel Adams wrote in the late 1960s, after he had photographed every aspect of the university for its centennial celebration. “The challenge to the University of California today is nothing less than to help bring forth the civilization of the future.” Fifty years later, the future looks very different, but the challenge of its mission remains."
miriampawel  2019  universityofcalifornia  california  communitycolleges  colleges  universities  highered  highereducation  socialmobility  joandidion  access  inequality  funding  tuition  anseladams  society  masterplan  uc 
10 weeks ago by robertogreco
California Studies | UCHRI
"The University of California California Studies Consortium (UCCSC) supported collaborative research by UC faculty, graduate students, and their colleagues at other institutions as part of a systemwide California Studies research initiative for the humanities, arts and social sciences. UCCSC was governed by a steering committee of faculty representatives from various UC campuses. It offered competitive grants totaling nearly $80,000 annually to support collaborative research projects, campus-community programming, and graduate travel for research.

The initiative sought to bring together the many interesting projects and discussions afoot on most of the UC campuses and to facilitate their development and elaboration in robust and creative ways by providing support for new projects to emerge. This systemwide multicampus approach to California Studies aims to sustain innovative scholarship, teaching and outreach.

UCCSC supported comprehensive critical mappings and re-mappings of California and its cultures. It places California as a site of global intersections and circulations—culturally, economically, and politically. This research initiative supported projects invested in sustained, multidisciplinary, and differently situated notions of intersection, power, history, language, migration and movement. UCCSC supplements a more traditional sense of California Studies by dealing squarely with questions of public pedagogy that address the antagonisms comprising what it means to be a “Californian.”"
california  universityofcalifornia  srg  californiastudies  uc 
may 2019 by robertogreco
The University of California: 150 years of being boldly Californian - YouTube
"What does it mean to be boldly Californian? For 150 years, the University of California has embodied an imaginative, audacious and pioneering spirit. And our 10 campuses, 5 medical centers and 3 national labs continue to lead the country towards a bright future - for everyone.

Explore our interactive timeline capturing UC's vast history and commemorating its astounding accomplishments, distinguished academics, artists and athletes: "

[See also: ]
uc  universityofcalifornia  california  2018  history  science  research  highered  highereducation  marketing  art  athletics  sports  academics  timelines 
may 2018 by robertogreco
UC System Excels in Graduating Poor Students - The Atlantic
"A new report shows that most colleges are failing when it comes to graduating low-income students, but the UC system is an exception."
universityofcalifornia  uc  2018  damharris  universities  colleges  inequality  equity 
may 2018 by robertogreco
College For All Act in California
"The College for all Act dedicates more than $3 billion exclusively to student aid by taxing the inheritances of the wealthiest 0.2% of California’s families. It would cover undergraduate tuition for all Californians enrolled in the California Community College, California State University, and University of California systems while also increasing living expense aid for working class students.

Will we prioritize the education of 2,600,000 Californians enrolled in our public colleges or the inheritances of the wealthiest 3,000 families!

Will we continue to provide luxury yachts for the few, or will we provide College for All!"
uc  universityofcalifornia  california  highered  highereducation  education  communitycolleges  calstate  csu 
october 2017 by robertogreco
The Policies of White Resentment - The New York Times
"White resentment put Donald Trump in the White House. And there is every indication that it will keep him there, especially as he continues to transform that seething, irrational fear about an increasingly diverse America into policies that feed his supporters’ worst racial anxieties.

If there is one consistent thread through Mr. Trump’s political career, it is his overt connection to white resentment and white nationalism. Mr. Trump’s fixation on Barack Obama’s birth certificate gave him the white nationalist street cred that no other Republican candidate could match, and that credibility has sustained him in office — no amount of scandal or evidence of incompetence will undermine his followers’ belief that he, and he alone, could Make America White Again.

The guiding principle in Mr. Trump’s government is to turn the politics of white resentment into the policies of white rage — that calculated mechanism of executive orders, laws and agency directives that undermines and punishes minority achievement and aspiration. No wonder that, even while his White House sinks deeper into chaos, scandal and legislative mismanagement, Mr. Trump’s approval rating among whites (and only whites) has remained unnaturally high. Washington may obsess over Obamacare repeal, Russian sanctions and the debt ceiling, but Mr. Trump’s base sees something different — and, to them, inspiring.

Like on Christmas morning, every day brings his supporters presents: travel bans against Muslims, Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids in Hispanic communities and brutal, family-gutting deportations, a crackdown on sanctuary cities, an Election Integrity Commission stacked with notorious vote suppressors, announcements of a ban on transgender personnel in the military, approval of police brutality against “thugs,” a denial of citizenship to immigrants who serve in the armed forces and a renewed war on drugs that, if it is anything like the last one, will single out African-Americans and Latinos although they are not the primary drug users in this country. Last week, Mr. Trump and Attorney General Jeff Sessions put the latest package under the tree: a staffing call for a case on reverse discrimination in college admissions, likely the first step in a federal assault on affirmative action and a determination to hunt for colleges and universities that discriminate against white applicants.

That so many of these policies are based on perception and lies rather than reality is nothing new. White resentment has long thrived on the fantasy of being under siege and having to fight back, as the mass lynchings and destruction of thriving, politically active black communities in Colfax, La. (1873), Wilmington, N.C. (1898), Ocoee, Fla. (1920), and Tulsa, Okla. (1921), attest. White resentment needs the boogeyman of job-taking, maiden-ravaging, tax-evading, criminally inclined others to justify the policies that thwart the upward mobility and success of people of color.

The last half-century hasn’t changed that. The war on drugs, for example, branded African-Americans and Latinos as felons, which stripped them of voting rights and access to housing and education just when the civil rights movement had pushed open the doors to those opportunities in the United States.

Similarly, the intensified war on immigrants comes, not coincidentally, at the moment when Latinos have gained visible political power, asserted their place in American society and achieved greater access to schools and colleges. The ICE raids have terrorized these communities, led to attendance drop-offs in schools and silenced many from even seeking their legal rights when abused.

The so-called Election Integrity Commission falls in the same category. It is a direct response to the election of Mr. Obama as president. Despite the howls from Mr. Trump and the Republicans, there was no widespread voter fraud then or now. Instead, what happened was that millions of new voters, overwhelmingly African-American, Hispanic and Asian, cast the ballots that put a black man in the White House. The punishment for participating in democracy has been a rash of voter ID laws, the purging of names from the voter rolls, redrawn district boundaries and closed and moved polling places.

Affirmative action is no different. It, too, requires a narrative of white legitimate grievance, a sense of being wronged by the presence of blacks, Latinos and Asians in positions that had once been whites only. Lawsuit after lawsuit, most recently Abigail Fisher’s suit against the University of Texas, feed the myth of unqualified minorities taking a valuable resource — a college education — away from deserving whites.

In order to make that plausible, Ms. Fisher and her lawyers had to ignore the large number of whites who were admitted to the university with scores lower than hers. And they had to ignore the sizable number of blacks and Latinos who were denied admission although their SAT scores and grade point averages were higher than hers. They also had to ignore Texas’ unsavory racial history and its impact. The Brown decision came down in 1954, yet the Dallas public school system remained under a federal desegregation order from 1971 to 2003.

The university was slow to end its whites-only admissions policy, and its practice of automatically admitting the top 10 percent of each Texas public high school’s graduating class has actually led to an overrepresentation of whites. Meanwhile, African-Americans represent only 4 percent of the University of Texas student body, despite making up about 14 percent of the state’s graduating high school students.

Although you will never hear this from Mr. Sessions, men are the greatest beneficiaries of affirmative action in college admissions: Their combination of test scores, grades and achievements is simply no match for that of women, whose academic profiles are much stronger. Yet to provide some semblance of gender balance on campuses, admissions directors have to dig down deep into the applicant pool to cobble together enough males to form an incoming class.

Part of what has been essential in this narrative of affirmative action as theft of white resources — my college acceptance, my job — is the notion of “merit,” where whites have it but others don’t. When California banned affirmative action in college admissions and relied solely on standardized test scores and grades as the definition of “qualified,” black and Latino enrollments plummeted. Whites, however, were not the beneficiaries of this “merit-based” system. Instead, Asian enrollments soared and with that came white resentment at both “the hordes of Asians” at places like the University of California, Los Angeles, and an admissions process that stressed grades over other criteria.

That white resentment simply found a new target for its ire is no coincidence; white identity is often defined by its sense of being ever under attack, with the system stacked against it. That’s why Mr. Trump’s policies are not aimed at ameliorating white resentment, but deepening it. His agenda is not, fundamentally, about creating jobs or protecting programs that benefit everyone, including whites; it’s about creating purported enemies and then attacking them.

In the end, white resentment is so myopic and selfish that it cannot see that when the larger nation is thriving, whites are, too. Instead, it favors policies and politicians that may make America white again, but also hobbled and weakened, a nation that has squandered its greatest assets — its people and its democracy."
carolanderson  2017  race  racism  donaldtrump  affirmativeaction  colleges  universities  gender  resentment  us  politics  policy  california  universityofcalifornia  universityoftexas  statistics  data  admissions  jeffsessions  immigration  democracy  education  highered  highereducation  nationalism  disenfranchisement  uc 
august 2017 by robertogreco
The Fault isn’t with Napolitano: On Funding California Higher Education – Boom California
"The 2008-2010 recession generated havoc in state revenues and was especially bad for the unprotected areas of the state budget. Douglass reports a cut of $813 million in the funding of the UC system in 2009 and 2010.[4] Public funding, the bedrock of long-term planning in the early decades of the Master Plan, is now more volatile and less predictable than tuition revenues and other private sources. UC campuses are beginning to imagine a future in which state funding is negligible. In the decade between 2002-03 and 2012-13, state revenues received by University of California Berkeley declined from $497 to $299 million in current dollars, a reduction in constant price terms of 54 per cent.[5] Successive state governments have learned that they can reduce university funding without a severe public backlash, but there is more likely to be public opposition if they sanction the tuition increases necessary for institutions to make up the shortfall. From the 1990s onwards, a new pattern was established, in which the years of funding recovery were insufficient to compensate for years of reductions. Small cuts were not undone and tended to accumulate. In this asymmetrical policy framework, and given the continued legal/fiscal constraints on the state, California’s recession-induced cuts now look to be largely irreversible.

Like their public sector counterparts in many other states, the UC and CSU finds (and will continue to find) it extremely difficult to secure state support to raise tuition so as to compensate for the effects of state cutbacks. Nevertheless, tuition increases sufficient to plug the gap in spending also carry problems. Public institutions depend on public support, both to secure favorable state policies and more generally, to function effectively in a highly networked society and economy. Public support is no doubt undermined by rising tuition, and this also eats into the access mission of the University of California, which so far has been largely maintained despite the circumstances. On the other hand, public support is weakened also by reductions in service quality due to insufficient funding, and the access mission needs to be subsidized.[6] In 2013, after the recession, the student-to faculty ratio in the University of California was 24 to 1, compared to 19 to 1 a decade earlier, and 15 to 1 in the 1980s.[7] The public university campuses find themselves positioned between the Scylla of a resource decline that would undermine all objectives, including the research outputs and quality on which so much else depends, and the Charybdis of public unpopularity and mission compromise. They feel forced to become more like a private university, so as to uphold their public mission effectively in social competition with the real private sector. They have limited options, with only research funding, foreign students and noncore revenues as potential sources of much needed additional resources. In this setting the University of California campuses have no clear-cut forward strategy.

The problem is specific to public higher education rather than general to higher education as a whole. The effects of the recession differentiated between the University of California, which depends partly on the Californian state budget and whose tuition is state regulated; and private universities such as Harvard, Yale, Stanford, and Princeton, which are free to manage their prices and carry significantly larger endowments than Berkeley, UCLA, and UC San Diego. Though both state funding and university endowments fell sharply in value in the first two years of recession, the recovery in each case was different. By 2014 endowments had been largely restored in value but the state funding cuts seemed at least partly permanent.

While the UC campuses and the beleaguered UCOP are struggling to cope, right now, the deeper effects of today’s crisis will play out over decades. Of all the jewels of American science, California public education has shined the brightest. As I discuss in my book published last year, The Dream is Over: The Crisis of Clark Kerr’s California Idea of Higher Education, the UC still houses four of the world’s top twenty research universities, in terms of the amount of high quality science produced—Berkeley, UCLA, San Francisco, and San Diego—and seven of the world’s top sixty. Not if present trends are maintained.

Money matters in research and education, as it does in most everywhere else. Past patterns show this. In a study of American science , James Adams finds that in the 1990s there was an overall slowdown in the output of the public universities. Though their share of federal research grants grew their revenues from their respective state governments fell, which ate into the capacity to sustain research infrastructure and faculty time on research.[8] It is a sign of what is to come. The drop in state support across the country in the 1990s, studied by Adams, was nothing compared to what happened after the 1990s in California. Between 2002-03 and 2012-13 the proportion of Berkeley’s revenues coming from state sources dropped from 34 to 13 per cent.[9] That decline is continuing. Unless the state, and ultimately the taxpayer, have a change of heart the UC position is going to get much worse."
funding  universityofcalifornia  education  highered  highereducation  california  2017  history  taxes  proposition13  simonmarginson  uc 
may 2017 by robertogreco
Why It's So Hard for In-State Students to Get Into a UC—and even California State—School These Days - The Atlantic
"Scores of highly qualified students are failing to secure spots at the Golden State’s public universities."

"The master plan made a lot of sense back in 1960, the campaign’s report points out. The idea was to distinguish and efficiently provide for each of California’s three higher-ed tiers—the UC, California State University, and community-college systems—while ensuring access to postsecondary education for Californians, regardless of their ability to pay. But times have changed. Tuition at the UCs has nearly doubled since 2000. And today’s applicants simply aren’t “the same students that we were educating in the ‘60s,” said Nina Robinson, the UC’s associate president and chief policy advisor; they’re far more prepared to enter college than their predecessors.

The main problem now is that admission to most UC campuses has grown so competitive—and state funding and physical space have become so scarce—that scores of qualified in-state students are getting turned away, the CCO says. At six of the nine undergraduate UC schools, the average GPA among admitted students last year was higher than 4.0. (The UC gives students a GPA bump for taking AP courses.) At the three most competitive campuses—Berkeley, UCLA, and UC San Diego—the median scores on the 2400-point SAT were 2140, 2120, and 2070, respectively. The gap between the number of applicants and admitted students has more than doubled between 1996 and 2013. “Would we like [the UC system] to be larger? Sure,” Robinson said. “Is that likely to happen? Probably not.”

And it’s not just the UC schools. Even some of the California State University campuses—which draw from the top third of the state’s high-school graduates—have been rejecting qualified applicants. In fact, roughly one in four of the system’s 23 campuses now has admissions standards that are higher than the baseline CSU eligibility requirements, a phenomenon known as impaction. The university system had to deny admission to tens of thousands of eligible students between 2009 and 2014, says the CCO report. The gap between the number of applicants and those admitted to CSU has grown as fast as the UC’s own gap.

“Students who would’ve gotten into UCs are lucky to go to CSUs, and students who would’ve gotten into CSUs are being locked out,” said Lynda McGee, a college counselor at a downtown L.A. magnet high school, in a press briefing Monday. The situation is so dire that McGee advises high schoolers—students whose taxpaying parents, she emphasized, have helped bankroll UC and CSU schools over the years—to apply to private or out-of-state colleges where they have a better shot at admission. “We need to be able to offer more to our students who are residents of our state,” she said.

But hefty state funding cuts in recent years have forced California’s higher-education institutions to rely more heavily on tuition revenue, prompting them to favor out-of-state students who pay higher rates to attend. “It’s absolutely a priority of the UC system to enroll in-state students as opposed to out-of-state ones,” Robinson said. “We’re in the access business, and we cannot admit everyone who’s qualified … it makes it difficult for us to fulfill our basic mission.”

The institutions are, by and large, doing what they can to mitigate the impact of cuts on in-state students. “Impaction doesn’t mean ‘there is no room at the inn.’ It means that space is limited,” Toni Molle, a spokeswoman for CSU, said in an email. Students who are less likely to get accepted at their first campus of choice, she added, are “borderline” applicants, whose GPAs and test scores barely meet eligibility requirements. The university system is also striving to reduce the time students have to spend pursuing their degrees, hiring more tenure-track faculty, improving advising services, and better preparing students, among other efforts. CSU also boasts one of the most diverse student populations in the country.

The UC system has gotten lots of recent kudos for making economic mobility a priority. “Several of its campuses got top spots this year on both The New York Times’ College Access Index and Washington Monthly’s National Universities Rankings, which serve as de facto accountability tools that in part grade higher-education institutions on their contributions to society. The Times’ David Leonhardt highlighted the university’s emphasis on keeping tuition relatively affordable, expanding access for community-college transfers, and recruiting low-income students; Latinos are now second-largest ethnic group admitted to the UC system, making up close to 30 percent of last year’s freshmen class. Leonhardt described the university as “California’s Upward Mobility Machine.”

Ultimately, though, the reductions in state funding have started to take an exaggerated toll on that progress, as Leonhardt acknowledged: “California, rather than making another push to bring college to the masses, is taking small steps in reverse.” And the students most affected by these shifts are those who are already disadvantaged, according to Thomas Saenz, the president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund. Students who are low-income, first-generation college-goers, or minorities tend to have less access to the kinds of resources that are more or less critical to a competitive UC application today—things like AP courses and SAT prep—than do their more advantaged peers. They’re also less-equipped to navigate the increasingly rigorous college-application system."
2015  uc  universityofcalifornia  calfornia  education  government  politics  highereducation  highered 
december 2015 by robertogreco
Caveats to the University of California’s Distinction on This Year’s College Rankings - The Atlantic
"The California-based Campaign for College Opportunity, which earlier this year found low achievement levels for both Latinos and blacks in the state’s colleges and universities, recently released a report highlighting the ways in which the “model minority” stereotype undermines opportunity in postsecondary education. Traditionally, Asians have been grouped with Pacific Islanders and Native Hawaiians in official analyses, including the census, which until recently didn’t even disaggregate the data. Great diversity exists not only across these broad demographic categories but also within them, both in terms of culture and educational attainment. The report found that, despite boasting top spots on the two rankings, California is struggling to provide opportunity to large contingents of its fastest-growing race demographic—one that includes 48 ethnicities of widely varying achievement levels.

Asian ethnic groups traditionally associated with achievement are indeed doing well. While 40 percent of whites in California 25 and older have a bachelor’s degree or higher, the rate for Asian Americans, on average, is higher—roughly 50 percent. That statistic is bolstered by ethnic groups such as Indians and Chinese, 70 percent and 52 percent of whom have four-year degrees, respectively. Other Asian ethnicities, however, account for some of the lowest higher-education attainment in California, comparable to that of Latinos and lower than that of blacks: Laotians (10 percent), Hmong (13 percent), and Cambodian (16 percent). Children belonging to the latter two ethnic groups, according to the campaign’s report, are living in poverty at slightly higher rates than their black and Latino counterparts.

Meanwhile, just 15 percent of adults in California who identify as Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander—who are often lumped together with Asians despite coming from completely disparate backgrounds and geographical regions—have bachelor’s degrees. That includes just 12 percent of Samoans and Chamorros, each. Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander students also have lower-than-average graduation rates at California’s public postsecondary institutions, including its community colleges, state universities, or UC schools."
race  california  education  highered  highereducation  2015  policy  class  inequality  ethnicity  universityofcalifornia  uc 
december 2015 by robertogreco
The Persistence of the Old Regime
"This afternoon I ended up reading this Vox story about an effort to rank US Universities and Colleges carried out in 1911 by a man named Kendric Charles Babcock. On Twitter, Robert Kelchen remarks that the report was “squashed by Taft” (an unpleasant fate), and he links to the report itself, which is terrific. "

"University reputations are extremely sticky, the conventional wisdom goes. I was interested to see whether Babcock’s report bore that out. I grabbed the US News and World Report National University Rankings and National Liberal Arts College Rankings and made a quick pass through them, coding their 1911 Babcock Class. The question is whether Mr Babcock, should he return to us from the grave, would be satisfied with how his rankings had held up—more than a century of massive educational expansion and alleged disruption notwithstanding.

It turns out that he would be quite pleased with himself."

"As you can see, for private universities, especially, the 1911 Babcock Classification tracks prestige in 2014 very well indeed. The top fifteen or so USNWR Universities that were around in 1911 were regarded as Class 1 by Babcock. Class 2 Privates and a few Class 1 stragglers make up the next chunk of the list. The only serious outliers are the Stevens Institute of Technology and the Catholic University of America.

The situation for public universities is also interesting. The Babcock Class 1 Public Schools have not done as well as their private peers. Berkeley (or “The University of California” as was) is the highest-ranked Class I public in 2014, with UVa and Michigan close behind. Babcock sniffily rated UNC a Class II school. I have no comment about that, other than to say he was obviously right. Other great state flagships like Madison, Urbana, Washington, Ohio State, Austin, Minnesota, Purdue, Indiana, Kansas, and Iowa are much lower-ranked today than their Class I designation by Babcock in 1911 would have led you to believe. Conversely, one or two Class 4 publics—notably Georgia Tech—are much higher ranked today than Babcock would have guessed. So rankings are sticky, but only as long as you’re not public.

I also did the same figure for Liberal Arts Colleges, almost all of which are private, so this time there’s just the one panel:"

"The UC System is an astonishing achievement, when you look at it, as it propelled five of its campuses into the upper third of the table to join Berkeley."
rankings  colleges  universities  2014  1911  uc  universityofcalifornia  ucsb  ucla  ucsd  uci  ucd  ucr  ucberkeley  riceuniversity  duke  highereducation  highered  kieranhealey  kendriccharlesbabcock  via:audrewatters  usnewsandworldreport 
august 2014 by robertogreco
Through the Loops
"We are two recent high school graduates with a shared objective: to transfer from a community college to a University of California (UC) campus within one academic school year instead of the more conventional two-year transfer. In this blog, we will document our experiences and processes at our respective colleges for the fall and spring semesters prior to transferring. While our experiences are not authoritative as everyone’s situation is unique, we hope this will help those who want to understand the transfer process in California, whether the goal is it do it in one, two, or three years.

Posts will be signed off (by Jimmy or Arthur) if necessary.

About Jimmy:

Major: Economics & Political Science
Currently at: PCC
Applying to: UCLA, UC Berkeley, UCSD, Claremont McKenna College, Columbia University, University of Notre Dame
About Arthur:

Major: Sociology
Currently at: ELAC
Applying to: UCLA, UC Berkeley, UCSD, Pomona College, Columbia University"

[via: ]
uc  csu  education  highered  highereducation  universityofcalifornia 
december 2013 by robertogreco
When Adjunct Faculty are the Tenure-Track's Untouchables ~ Remaking the University
"I strongly agree with Tarkawi's conclusion that faculty are far more complicit in the sacking of public higher education than we are prepared to acknowledge. One of the best indexes of this is the arrogance that ladder-rank faculty display towards adjunct/part-time faculty/"lecturers" in our own departments. As with the caste system, there are so many categories for them, all of which serve the purpose of the Brahmins in the Academic Senate.

We--and here am I tempted to specifically include you [on the list] alongside myself in this condemnation, but won't because there's always a small chance that some of you/us are exempt from these generalizations--in fact appear to take some pride in treating adjuncts as an inferior caste. It is the norm for adjuncts to be excluded from faculty meetings and to be deprived of any say in the management of departments. Instead of resisting the "adjunctification" of the professoriat by incorporating these colleagues--because they are colleagues--into the university and our respective departments, we tolerate them as useful proof of our Brahmin status. They are our untouchables.

And we treat them accordingly."

[Related: “The neoliberal assault on academia”
and (via) “When Tenure-Track Faculty Take On the Problem of Adjunctification”
tarakbarkawi  ivanevans  academia  highered  highereducation  power  hierarchy  tenure  adjuncts  adjunctification  2013  ucsd  uc  arrogance  class  untouchables  labor  economics  politics  policy  universityofcalifornia 
august 2013 by robertogreco
αντιρατσισμός και πανεπιστημιακή πολιτική στις ΗΠΑ | Dialogos-DEP
""Stop whining and welcome UC's new Iron Lady.

To all my friends who think Napolitano is a poor choice for czarina of the UC system: get a life (preferably outside these borders). For years you've smugly believed that nuclear weapons (let's close our eyes) alone would pay our salaries. That's so old school. In case you haven't read the paper, the UC-managed Lawrence Livermore National Ignition Facility has already spent $2 billion dollars simulating H-bomb explosions and updating the US nuclear arsenal. It's future budget is uncertain. Did you really think that we could grow our future out of a hydrogen fusion monoculture? Of course not. If we want to keep our bear golden and our tenured salaries in six figures, we need to think about our nation's true needs.

Thank god, the visionaries at UCSD have made their Jacobs School of Engineering the single most important hub of surveillance and intelligence technology in the country. Down here in the Torrey Pines, UC engineers and scientists have spun-off dozens of new defense intelligence spinoffs, leveraged the growth of SAI and General Atomics, and justified the foresight of locating the Border Patrol's research division in San Diego. Diversity, this is the way to go: Dr. Strangelove in the north, Orwell and Big Brother in the South.

Now it's time for the rest of us to step to the bat. UCR, I realize, doesn't have an equal endowment of Nobel laureates and military contractors, but if we were truly committed to the new Master Plan for Higher Education and Homeland Security, I'm sure we could find our own niche. No campus, for example, is doing cutting-edge work on execution technology or pre-school incarceration: areas where the Inland Empire with all of its prisons and doomed kindergartners surely has a comparative advantage. In any event, stop bitching and start writing grant proposals to the NSA and CIA. At last we have the leadership we deserve."
ucsd  2013  janetnapolitano  mikedavis  surveillance  intelligencetechnology  homelandsecurity  universityofcalifornia  california  education  highered  highereducation  uc 
august 2013 by robertogreco
Ronald Reagan and the fall of UC -
"It is undeniable that the University of California would have faced serious challenges in the years after the 1960s, some of its own making. State spending on education would surely have been cut, not least because Proposition 13 severely reduced state revenue. (Reagan's anti-tax pronouncements helped pave the way for this "taxpayer revolt.")

But it is also undeniable that Reagan set a precedent for UC-bashing. He tarnished the once-esteemed higher education system, invited political intrusions and convinced many citizens that public spending on it was a waste."
ronaldreagan  history  california  government  politics  unioversityofcalifornia  uc  2013  proposition13  anti-intellectualism  publicgood  universityofcalifornia 
may 2013 by robertogreco
Calisphere - A World of Digital Resources
[Also at: ]

"Calisphere is the University of California's free public gateway to a world of primary sources. More than 200,000 digitized items — including photographs, documents, newspaper pages, political cartoons, works of art, diaries, transcribed oral histories, advertising, and other unique cultural artifacts — reveal the diverse history and culture of California and its role in national and world history. Calisphere's content has been selected from the libraries and museums of the UC campuses, and from a variety of cultural heritage organizations across California. See the list of contributing institutions.

Calisphere is a public service project of the California Digital Library (CDL). Through the use of technology and innovation, the CDL supports the assembly and creative use of scholarship for the UC libraries and the communities they serve. Learn more about the CDL.

Designed for Classroom Use
A variety of primary sources have been collected into sets that support the California Content Standards in History-Social Sciences, English-Language Arts, and Visual Arts for use in K-12 classrooms. These collections of primary sources make it easy for teachers to find the materials they need quickly:

* Themed Collections: Primary sources organized into historical eras with brief overviews that provide historical context.

* California Cultures: Images of four ethnic groups — African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanics Americans, and Native Americans.

* Japanese American Relocation Digital Archive: Personal and official documents, transcribed oral histories, and works of art bring viewers inside the Japanese-American internment experience during World War II.

* Local History Mapped: Five maps overlayed with hundreds of historical photographs show the diverse history and geography of California.

* Browse A-Z: This alphabetical list of terms selected from the California Content Standards makes it easy to locate primary sources for classroom use.

* Especially for Teachers: Information and links about teaching and learning with primary sources, including sample lesson plans, primary source analysis sheets, and more.

Access to Hundreds of UC Web Sites
Calisphere is a single point of access to more than 500 UC web sites that explore the diverse interests of the University of California campuses. This collection of web sites covers subjects ranging from history, math, literature, and anthropology to film, contemporary art, marine sciences, medical and health issues, and much more."
california  history  images  library  reference  references  archive  archives  uc  calisphere  photography  photographs  primarysources  documents  politicalcartoons  cartoons  advertisements  culture  teaching  classideas  universityofcalifornia 
february 2013 by robertogreco
Online Archive of California
"The Online Archive of California (OAC) provides free public access to detailed descriptions of primary resource collections maintained by more than 200 contributing institutions including libraries, special collections, archives, historical societies, and museums throughout California and collections maintained by the 10 University of California (UC) campuses."
libraries  history  universityofcalifornia  museums  documents  california  archives  historicalsocieties  uc  primarysources  collections 
january 2013 by robertogreco
AIGA | The UC logo controversy: How 54,000 people, the mainstream press and virtually every designer got it wrong
"“Designers too often judge logos separate from their system…without understanding that one can’t function without the other,” noted Paula Scher, when I asked her views on the controversy."


And for reference:

Onward California:

original video (with controversial logo) ]

[Related sites: ]
julialupton  arminvit  brandnew  aaronbady  vanessacorrea  controversy  design  highered  education  criticism  christophersimmons  marketing  logos  2013  2012  identity  branding  logo  uc  paulascher  universityofcalifornia 
january 2013 by robertogreco
A moment of dreaming about higher education – The New Inquiry
[now here: ]

"The work of self-cultivation that students do—when they learn language, learn to paint, learn to design and build, learn to socialize, and learn everything else that they learn—all eventually pays massive social dividends. A capitalist society like ours does not function if the state doesn’t educate its citizenry…There is nothing more blind to itself than a huge government which has enshrined “small government” as its ruling philosophy, and which exists only by spending tax dollars and but believes it can be against both taxes and spending."

"if we can see outside the frame of cultivation and pleasure, we can see that producing a mass population with all sorts of apparently superfluous skills—engineers that read novels and writers that know calculus—is a better society than one in which all human activity is reduced to pure utility, and bare recreation."
work  labor  highered  highereducation  aaronbady  society  learning  moocs  politics  capitalism  self-cultivation  liberalarts  government  smallgovernment  us  california  uc  2013  education  mooc  universityofcalifornia 
january 2013 by robertogreco
From Master Plan to No Plan: The Slow Death of Public Higher Education | Dissent Magazine
"The standard political criticism of the for-profit industry is that it exists only to vacuum up government subsidies; that it is a problematic byproduct of government actions. This diagnosis is perfectly in line with the Reaganite complaint against government interference in the workings of the market. If we look at California, however, we see that this critique has it backward. For-profit education flooded the market only after the state began to abandon its responsibility to create sufficient institutional capacity in the public system. The problem is not government action, but inaction. As the government gave up its Master Plan responsibility to educate California students, the for-profit sector expanded to fill the demand."

"While Proposition 13 dramatically limited the total revenue in the state‘s coffers, the prison boom diminished the percentage of total funds available for higher education."
funding  publiceducation  neoliberalism  capitalism  public  johnaubreydouglass  poland  korea  brazil  richardblum  government  higheredbubble  privatization  tuition  2012  mikekonczal  aaronbady  studentdebt  priorities  prisons  money  education  california  proposition13  uc  history  ronaldreagan  highered  forprofit  schooltoprisonpipeline  brasil  universityofcalifornia 
october 2012 by robertogreco
Hyperbole (and Progressive Bloggers) Fail Me: The End of Public Higher Education « zunguzungu
"I don’t expect Kevin Drum to have the answers, and we can debate what it will look like when this bubble finally bursts. Some people think it will be a good thing; I think it will be a clusterfuck for the middle and lower classes. But we all need to open our eyes to the fundamental transformation of American society that it represents. The generation before Drum’s made it possible to get an excellent education even if you couldn’t afford to pay the $9,000 that Stanford charged in 1981. Kevin Drum’s generation enjoyed the benefits of that system and then they dismantled it. My generation is muddling through by going deep into debt. The next generation will not."
education  berkeley  highereducation  elitism  money  debt  privatization  publicschools  publicuniversities  public  csu  uc  kevindrum  california  via:javierarbona  tuition  fees  higheredbubble  2011  universityofcalifornia 
may 2011 by robertogreco

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